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Of Empires and Citizens

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Sid Harth

Of Empires and Citizens: Pro-American Democracy or No Democracy at All?

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Sid Harth

Education: Our True Homeland Security

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Education: Our True Homeland Security
Sunday, 11 September 2011 09:12 By William J Astore, Truthout | Op-Ed

Today's students see education as a means to an end, the end being a respectable job with decent pay and benefits.
And who can blame them?  With the national unemployment rate at 9.1 percent (a percentage that doesn't include part-timers seeking full-time employment and those unemployed who have simply given up looking for jobs), students are understandably worried about career prospects.
Many college students are also worried about paying back their student loans; operating under such financial pressure, a focus on salary and the possibility of pay raises and promotions is hardly surprising.
Combine these personal pressures with a stalled economy and a political realm that increasingly sees public service as wasteful and unnecessary, and it's no wonder that education is being reduced to another for-profit venture: another fungible commodity in a world driven by money and the bottom line.
But education is much more than a commodity. At its best, education is a transformative experience. It opens new horizons to us; it helps us to envision new possibilities even as it serves to sustain our freedoms.
How do we recapture education's idealism in an environment driven by parsimony and focused relentlessly on short-term issues of solvency and relevance?
How about redefining education as our true Homeland Security? A security based not on military power or intrusive surveillance but on creativity and critical thinking and informed citizenship? How about stimulating and facilitating a lifelong pursuit of fresh ideas and innovative solutions to national and global challenges?
There are, of course, sound and practical reasons for such a pursuit, such as maintaining our economic competitiveness. But learning how to learn is also a critical way to arm ourselves against propaganda and manipulation, a way to build one's very own BS detector, if you will. A critical and learned citizenry, after all, is the very foundation for an active, informed and humane democratic process: one that both celebrates and safeguards our constitutional rights and liberties. Homeland security, indeed.
As Americans, we love to invest in hardware, in tangible things, and the list of weapons and other technologies we've invested in after 9/11 is truly staggering. But even as we've dumped billions into hardware that supposedly makes us safer, we've neglected the software that truly makes us secure: the creative education of our young. Their bright ideas and their commitment to our liberties are the best guarantors of our future security.
As we solemnly mark the tenth anniversary of 9/11, much will be written about wars, weapons, defense budgets, Patriot Acts, and all the trillions of dollars America has dedicated to ensuring our safety and security. And much should be written - and debated.
But let's see education for what it truly is (or should be): foundational to our security and transformative to our lives, the true engine of personal liberty and democratic freedoms, and the most vital constituent of our nation's future security and well-being.

© 2012 Truthout

...and I am Sid Harth

Charter Schools Outsource Education to Management Firms, With Mixed Results

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Charter Schools Outsource Education to Management Firms, With Mixed Results
Sunday, 10 April 2011 05:32 By Sharona Coutts, ProPublica | News Analysis

Since 2008, an Ohio-based company, White Hat Management, has collected around $230 million to run charter schools in that state. The company has grown into a national chain and reports that it has about 20,000 students across the country. But now 10 of its own schools and the state of Ohio are suing, complaining that many White Hat students are failing, and that the company has refused to account for how it has spent the money.

The dispute between White Hat and Ohio, which is unfolding in state court in Franklin County, provides a glimpse at a larger trend: the growing role of private management companies in publicly funded charter schools.
Contrary to the idea of charters as small, locally run schools, approximately a third of them now rely on management companies -- which can be either for-profit or non-profit -- to perform many of the most fundamental school services, such as hiring and firing staff, developing curricula and disciplining students. But while the shortcomings of traditional public schools have received much attention in recent years, a look at the private sector’s efforts to run schools in Ohio, Florida and New York shows that turning things over to a company has created its own set of problems for public schools.
Government data suggest that schools with for-profit managers have somewhat worse academic results than charters without management companies, and a number of boards have clashed with managers over a lack of transparency in how they are using public funds.
White Hat has achieved particularly poor results, with only 2 percent of its students making the progress expected under federal education law. The company declined comment on the performance of its schools.
White Hat was established in 1998 by a prominent Akron businessman, David L. Brennan, who was a key advocate for introducing charter schools into Ohio. Like most charter schools, White Hat’s Hope Academies and LifeSkills Centers are primarily funded by the state based on the number of pupils they enroll. The contracts between White Hat and the schools now suing allow the company to collect virtually all funds and use them to run the schools.
When White Hat was establishing some of its first schools, a principal invited James Stubbs, a former NASA electronics technician, to join the board of White Hat’s Hope Academy Chapelside.
Stubbs, who sent his three children to Hope Academies and eventually sat on a number of White Hat school boards, said it took several years before some boards began to question why the schools continued to perform poorly. He said that when members started demanding more detailed accounting, the schools and the company began to clash.
“Ultimately, the board is responsible for what happens to the money,” Stubbs said. He said that when White Hat refused to disclose, it put the board in what he saw as an untenable situation. “The management company gets all the money but none of the blame when things go wrong.”
Charles R. Saxbe, the attorney representing White Hat in the lawsuit, said the company has complied with its legal and contractual requirements. He said that public funds become private once they enter White Hat’s accounts.
“If I’m Coca-Cola, and you’re a Coca-Cola distributor or a Coca-Cola purchaser,” said Saxbe, “that doesn’t entitle you to know the Coke formula or find any financial information you’d be interested in learning from the Coca-Cola company. And that’s kind of what they’re demanding.”
“Governing boards are purchasing the service and whatever it takes to deliver that service from White Hat,” Saxbe said. “And if White Hat loses money, that’s their risk. And if they make money, that’s their upside.”
But the boards say that students, not White Hat, carry the greatest risk—the risk of failing in school.
“We give the management company 96 percent of the revenues from the state, and they do not have a transparent means for us to see what’s happening with the money,” said Stubbs. “What I am concerned about is students not doing well under this management company, and that can’t continue,” he said.
The Ohio Department of Education agreed. It joined the lawsuit [1] last fall and asked the court to help the “group of public schools break free from dominance by private interests.”
“Things have not gone well under White Hat’s direction,” the department argued in a court motion. “Most of the schools have received the equivalent of D’s and F’s on their State report cards and their performance has declined during the term of the agreements.”
In fact, White Hat schools across the country are performing poorly, according a report [2] by the National Education Policy Center, a nonpartisan research organization based at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Of the 51 schools White Hat managed in 2010, only one met a key standard established by the No Child Left Behind law—called “Adequate Yearly Progress.” According to the report, that is by far the worst performance of any large for-profit management company. The company did not answer questions on the performance of its schools.
Adequate yearly progress is a “crude indicator” of success, according to Gary Miron, professor of education at Western Michigan University, who co-wrote the report. But he said it does at least show whether schools are meeting state standards.
“When you compare 2 percent of White Hat schools meeting AYP, that's just something that cries out that there's something awry here,” he said. “Even schools in poverty are going to have a much higher rate of meeting AYP.”
Despite the poor performance and the lawsuits, White Hat is still managing the schools under a contract extension that expires this summer.
Because White Hat owns most of the schools' property and employs the staff, the boards worry that they could not survive a sudden rupture with the company.
“A big part of the argument here is being able to follow the money,” said James D. Colner, an attorney representing the schools. “We have no idea whether they’re earning a reasonable profit or not. We have no idea whether the money is being efficiently or effectively spent for our students,” he said.
As federal and state governments pour billions of dollars into charter schools, boards across the country have increasingly turned to companies such as White Hat. Roughly a third of all charter schools now contract with “full service” management companies, which control hiring and firing, enrollment and curriculum at these public schools, according to Miron.
Yet the results have been decidedly mixed, with increasing complaints that some companies have put profit ahead of education and have often become unaccountable to the school boards that are supposed to represent the interests of the community and children.
“I’m seeing increasing problems with boards not having access to information,” said Miron. “The boards have less authority because so many things are sewn up by the management company.”
While a lack of transparency does not always lead to poor performance, experts see it as a red flag for possible problems.
About half of charter schools with for-profit management companies met their adequate yearly progress targets, according to the National Education Policy Center’s report, which used the most recently available information. By comparison, 63 percent of charter schools overall and 67 percent of regular public schools met the benchmark in 2009 [3], according to the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools, an industry group.
“There's not always a direct link between how well a school is managed and how well kids learn, but often a school that is mismanaged will have bad academic results,” said Alex Medler, vice president of policy and research at the National Association of Charter School Authorizers, a nonpartisan group that advises policy-makers and regulators. “Transparency is a symptom of healthiness that lets a bunch of other mechanisms work the way they should.”
There can be good reasons for charter school boards to hire management companies. “The idea is to make a contract with someone who has the skills to hire people, find a building and put a school together,” said Henry Levin, Professor of Economics and Education at Columbia University’s Teachers College. And indeed, some charter schools overseen by management companies have flourished.
But oversight of the industry has lagged, resulting in a patchwork of state and district regulation, which experts say is failing to safeguard the interests of children and taxpayers.
Some states do not directly oversee either the company or the board and do not regulate the terms of their contracts. In many cases, the bulk of the oversight is left to “authorizers,” organizations empowered to green-light charter schools. Some states have many authorizers—which can include tiny nonprofit organizations—while others entrust the task to public universities, local districts or other specially created entities, many of which lack the resources needed to effectively carry out their role, according to Columbia’s Levin.
That’s led to what Levin called “a lot of confusion.”
“There’s an awful lot of diversity in these companies,” he said. “And most of them are proprietary, so we really don’t know how they’re operating.”
Schools in other states have also asked the courts to help them rein in what they see as unaccountable management companies.
In Florida, Paragon Academy of Technology and Sunshine Elementary Charter School fired the Leona Group, a Phoenix-based management company, in August 2009 when Leona unilaterally dismissed the school’s principal and made other management decisions without seeking board approval, according to legal filings.
The Leona Group promptly sued in Florida state court in Broward County, arguing that the schools had wrongly terminated the agreement and that the company had loaned the schools $180,000 to keep them afloat. Michael R. Atkins, the management company’s general counsel, said Leona is seeking to recoup those funds and wants a resolution that allows the schools to continue to operate.
The schools counter-sued, arguing that Leona “failed or refused” to produce a range of documents, including staff and teacher contracts, and bank account statements. Leona ignored requests to return their property, including “the master key for the school facilities and all electronic and hard-copy school records and documentation,” according to the schools’ complaint.
Two board members of Leona-managed schools in Florida told ProPublica that they had trouble finding out how Leona was spending their money from the time the company took over the schools in May 2008.
“It was very difficult and very confusing,” said Mark Gotz, who has served on the boards of numerous charter schools in Florida and considers himself a charter school advocate. “I would ask questions about the numbers, what they related to, what numbers were relative to what services were being provided, and in the information that was given to us, neither myself nor the accountant for Leona could dig it out.”
Leona said it could not comment on the board members’ claims, saying they involved employees who have since left the company. According to a spokeswoman, Leona has contracts with 50 schools across five states, serving 18,300 students. A number of Florida schools that once worked with Leona no longer contract with the company—including two schools in Pompano Beach that settled litigation with Leona late last year.
Even when schools and companies are able to settle their disputes, the lawsuit settlements are often confidential, leaving many questions unresolved.
The Rochester Leadership Academy Charter School was closed in 2005 by the State University of New York, for poor academic performance. In August 2009, the charter school’s board sued National Heritage Academies Inc., the school’s for-profit management company, in Monroe County, NY, arguing the company failed to provide the “management, operation, administration, accounting and education” it promised under the contract and caused the school to lose its charter—effectively killing the school.
The school claimed that National Heritage, which operates 67 schools with 42,000 students in eight states, had “failed to account and conduct financial reporting” and cost the school over $2 million.
The parties reached a confidential settlement last March. As local TV news report [4]ed, parents and community members were angered that they were not told what had happened with whatever funds, if any, that had been recovered from National Heritage.
The school’s former director could not be reached, and lawyers for the school and National Heritage told ProPublica that the confidentiality agreement prevented them from commenting on any aspect of the case.
Despite the difficulties encountered by some schools, many have positive relationships with their management companies. A key factor is the presence of a strong and independent school board, according to Medler, of the National Association of Charter School Authorizers.
“The independent group holds the management company accountable,” he said. It makes no difference whether the company is for-profit or nonprofit, he said, so long as the board’s interest is “the success of the school, not the success of the management company.”
Recent events at Imagine Wesley International Academy in Atlanta, GA, illustrate the difference that a strong board can make.
Imagine has been featured in local and national news reports about problems at its schools. It was the focus of a New York Times story [5] that raised questions about how Imagine’s founders, Dennis and Eileen Bakke, were spending public funds, and about their related company, Schoolhouse Finance, which had numerous real estate transactions involving the schools.
The problems at the company led to conflicts with school boards and hampered its efforts to open schools in states including Florida and Texas, according to the Times story.
In 2009, the Georgia Department of Education determined that Imagine’s school boards were not truly independent. The company was forced to reconstitute its boards, which, in the case of Wesley, actually improved the relationship between the company and the school, according to David Walker, a business attorney who became chair of Wesley’s board in the summer of that year.
“There were a lot of things that were out of whack when we came on board,” Walker said. The school was paying for teachers, benefits, the lease, as well as a percentage for Imagine’s fees, but it wasn’t clear what services Imagine performed for the fees, and many aspects of the agreement were ambiguous, he said.
Imagine’s spokeswoman did not comment directly on Wesley, but she said the company operates within industry standards for administrative costs.
The new board, which includes attorneys and professionals, as well as active parents, renegotiated the management agreements and the leases, listing specific services that Imagine must provide to the school, and how much each will cost.
Walker said his two daughters are flourishing at Wesley, which offers Chinese-language as well as single-gender classes.
“We’re happy with what’s going on at Wesley,” he said. “The charter school allows the community to have so much input on their child’s education. I’m more comfortable sending them to Wesley instead of some of the best private schools.”
© 2012 Truthout
...and I am Sid Harth

What Light can do

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'What Light Can Do,' by Robert Hass

Updated 3:05 am, Monday, August 13, 2012
  • Robert Hass Ran on: 05-31-2007 Robert Hass, former U.S. poet laureate, will appear at the de Young Museum's New Poetry Series. ALSO Ran on: 11-16-2007 Robert Hass, 66, takes the prize plus $10,000 for his recent collection, &quo;Time and Materials.'' Photo: Margaretta Mitchell
    Robert Hass Ran on: 05-31-2007 Robert Hass, former U.S. poet laureate, will appear at the de Young Museum's New Poetry Series. ALSO Ran on: 11-16-2007 Robert Hass, 66, takes the prize plus $10,000 for his recent collection, &quo;Time and Materials.'' Photo: Margaretta Mitchell

What Light Can Do

Essays on Art, Imagination, and the Natural World

By Robert Hass

(Ecco; 496 pages; $29.99)

"Attention is prayer." This quote from Simone Weil appears twice in "What Light Can Do: Essays on Art, Imagination and the Natural World," by former U.S. poet laureate and Pulitzer Prize winner Robert Hass. Paying deep attention is clearly Hass' way of honoring the subjects that compel him, from political poetry to photography to California writers to a recently razed grove of live oak trees at UC Berkeley. "If there is a sky for me in this collection," he writes, "it is the act of attention itself, trying to see what's there, what light can do." This is a book of wide-awake, erudite prayer.
As a young poet, Hass learned from Wallace Stevens that "taking history seriously seemed a central task of poetry." Hass has taken this task to heart as an essayist, as well; in writing about Robert Buelteman's photos of the Coast Range, he gives us not only the history of photography, but the 13 million-year geographical history of California.
Hass is frustrated when people don't take the time to open their eyes and learn about the world around them - often to tragic result, as he explores in his stunning essay, "Study War No More: Violence, Literature and Immanuel Kant," centered on the misguided war in Iraq, fueled by our country's "almost complete ignorance of the history, geography and cultures of the Middle East."
Hass also mines biographical history, unearthing childhood details of the writers he profiles throughout the collection, like the bizarre tale of Jack London's father shooting his wife in the forehead while she was pregnant with the novelist (she survived). Hass is less forthcoming with his own life story, and admits that he is only beginning to write, with difficulty, about his painful childhood. It seems somewhat telling that his essay that explores the relatively recent, and very American, appearance of family as subject matter for poetry is titled "Families and Prisons," and digresses into an exploration of poets who have been jailed for their work.
Perhaps it is unfair to long for more memoir within a book of critical essays, but one of the most compelling passages of the book is autobiographical, wherein Hass recalls other children in the Catholic Church of his youth: "All the kids were scrubbed and looked great," he writes; "there was an air of prosperity about them that was equivalent to virtue as they came in. One knew on sight who the good ones were. They were radiant, and my spirituality probably began with hating them." In most of the book, we get Hass' eye - clear, far-reaching, deeply intelligent; here, for a breathtaking moment, we get his unguarded "I."
This is not light reading. Hass asks a lot of his reader in this 500-page collection - in two of the essays, he even suggests tracking down the long poems he discusses, and reading the essays with the poems in hand. When he first started teaching poetry, he writes, "one of my doubts about my ability to do it had to do with the fact that I was never not interested in it, and so I didn't know how to put myself in the place of people who were bored or intimidated by it. My inclination, therefore, was not to go to the students and bring them along from my imagination of some place of trepidation or suspicion, but to assume their interest."
Hass similarly assumes the reader's interest here, and those who are indeed bored or intimidated by poetry or criticism could easily be overwhelmed by the book. Readers new to poetry but eager to dive in would benefit to start with the essay "On Teaching Poetry" rather than reading the collection in order; it offers a rich look into the life Hass finds pulsing within poems, and will inform the reader's experience of his other essays.
His essays on poetry in translation should enlighten even the most die-hard poetry fans; as he mentions in "A Bruised Sky: Two Chinese Poets": "We are going to be hearing a lot about China in the next decade, about its economy, its foreign and environmental policies. It's going to be the work of translation that will give us glimpses - human glimpses - at what's going on."
At times, Hass struggles with the limits and contradictions of language, its inability to fully capture experience or bring an end to human violence or environmental devastation. Still, he concludes "it is better to speak than not to speak," to use our language to bear witness, "to act as if the soul gets to choose."
In the final essay of the collection, Hass writes, "One of the gifts people who teach can give to students is a sense of complexity, because desire tends to simplify what it sees. We are usually left to ourselves, egrets fishing through our smeared reflections. Another thing teachers can give them is the gift of seeing what's there." This book gives similar gifts to the intrepid reader. It dazzles and illuminates like light.
Gayle Brandeis' most recent novel is "The Book of Live Wires." E-mail: books@sfchronicle.com


Pablo Neruda

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Pablo Neruda

1904–1973
Pablo Neruda
“No writer of world renown is perhaps so little known to North Americans as Chilean poet Pablo Neruda,” observed New York Times Book Review critic Selden Rodman. Numerous critics have praised Neruda as the greatest poet writing in the Spanish language during his lifetime, although many readers in the United States have found it difficult to disassociate Neruda’s poetry from his fervent commitment to communism. An added difficulty lies in the fact that Neruda’s poetry is very hard to translate; his works available in English represent only a small portion of his total output. Nonetheless, declared John Leonard in the New York Times, Neruda “was, I think, one of the great ones, a Whitman of the South.”

Born Ricardo Eliezer Neftali Reyes y Basoalto, Neruda adopted the pseudonym under which he would become famous while still in his early teens. He grew up in Temuco in the backwoods of southern Chile. Neruda’s literary development received assistance from unexpected sources. Among his teachers “was the poet Gabriela Mistral, who would be a Nobel laureate years before Neruda,” reported Manuel Duran and Margery Safir in Earth Tones: The Poetry of Pablo Neruda.“It is almost inconceivable that two such gifted poets should find each other in such an unlikely spot. Mistral recognized the young Neftali’s talent and encouraged it by giving the boy books and the support he lacked at home.”

By the time he finished high school, Neruda had published in local papers and Santiago magazines, and had won several literary competitions. In 1921 he left southern Chile for Santiago to attend school, with the intention of becoming a French teacher but was an indifferent student. While in Santiago, Neruda completed one of his most critically acclaimed and original works, the cycle of love poems titled Veinte poemas de amor y una canción desesperada—published in English translation as Twenty Love Poems and a Song of Despair. This work quickly marked Neruda as an important Chilean poet.

Veinte poemas also brought the author notoriety due to its explicit celebration of sexuality, and, as Robert Clemens remarked in the Saturday Review,“established him at the outset as a frank, sensuous spokesman for love.” While other Latin American poets of the time used sexually explicit imagery, Neruda was the first to win popular acceptance for his presentation. Mixing memories of his love affairs with memories of the wilderness of southern Chile, he creates a poetic sequence that not only describes a physical liaison, but also evokes the sense of displacement that Neruda felt in leaving the wilderness for the city. “Traditionally,” stated Rene de Costa in The Poetry of Pablo Neruda,“love poetry has equated woman with nature. Neruda took this established mode of comparison and raised it to a cosmic level, making woman into a veritable force of the universe.”

“In Veinte poemas,” reported David P. Gallagher in Modern Latin American Literature,“Neruda journeys across the sea symbolically in search of an ideal port. In 1927, he embarked on a real journey, when he sailed from Buenos Aires for Lisbon, ultimately bound for Rangoon where he had been appointed honorary Chilean consul.” Duran and Safir explained that “Chile had a long tradition, like most Latin American countries, of sending her poets abroad as consuls or even, when they became famous, as ambassadors.” The poet was not really qualified for such a post and was unprepared for the squalor, poverty, and loneliness to which the position would expose him. “Neruda travelled extensively in the Far East over the next few years,” Gallagher continued, “and it was during this period that he wrote his first really splendid book of poems, Residencia en la tierra, a book ultimately published in two parts, in 1933 and 1935.” Neruda added a third part, Tercera residencia, in 1947.

Residencia en la tierra, published in English as Residence on Earth, is widely celebrated as containing “some of Neruda’s most extraordinary and powerful poetry,” according to de Costa. Born of the poet’s feelings of alienation, the work reflects a world which is largely chaotic and senseless, and which—in the first two volumes—offers no hope of understanding. De Costa quoted Spanish poet García Lorca as calling Neruda “a poet closer to death than to philosophy, closer to pain than to insight, closer to blood than to ink. A poet filled with mysterious voices that fortunately he himself does not know how to decipher.” With its emphasis on despair and the lack of adequate answers to mankind’s problems, Residencia en la tierra in some ways foreshadowed the post-World War II philosophy of existentialism. “Neruda himself came to regard it very harshly,” wrote Michael Wood in the New York Review of Books.“It helped people to die rather than to live, he said, and if he had the proper authority to do so he would ban it, and make sure it was never reprinted.”

Residencia en la tierra also marked Neruda’s emergence as an important international poet. By the time the second volume of the collection was published in 1935 the poet was serving as consul in Spain, where “for the first time,” reported Duran and Safir, “he tasted international recognition, at the heart of the Spanish language and tradition. At the same time . . . poets like Rafael Alberti and Miguel Hernandez, who had become closely involved in radical politics and the Communist movement, helped politicize Neruda.” When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936, Neruda was among the first to espouse the Republican cause with the poem España en el corazon—a gesture that cost him his consular post. He later served in France and Mexico, where his politics caused less anxiety.

Communism rescued Neruda from the despair he expressed in the first parts of Residencia en la tierra, and led to a change in his approach to poetry. He came to believe “that the work of art and the statement of thought—when these are responsible human actions, rooted in human need—are inseparable from historical and political context,” reported Salvatore Bizzarro in Pablo Neruda: All Poets the Poet.“He argued that there are books which are important at a certain moment in history, but once these books have resolved the problems they deal with they carry in them their own oblivion. Neruda felt that the belief that one could write solely for eternity was romantic posturing.” This new attitude led the poet in new directions; for many years his work, both poetry and prose, advocated an active role in social change rather than simply describing his feelings, as his earlier oeuvre had done.

This significant shift in Neruda’s poetry is recognizable in Tercera residencia, the third and final part of the “Residencia” series. Florence L. Yudin noted in Hispania that the poetry of this volume was overlooked when published and remains neglected due to its overt ideological content. “Viewed as a whole,” Yudin wrote, “Tercera residencia illustrates a fluid coherence of innovation with retrospective, creativity with continuity, that would characterize Neruda’s entire career.” According to de Costa, as quoted by Yudin, “The new posture assumed is that of a radical nonconformist. Terra residencia must, therefore, be considered in this light, from the dual perspective of art and society, poetry and politics.”

“Las Furias y las penas,” the longest poem of Tercera residencia, embodies the influence of both the Spanish Civil War and the works of Spanish Baroque poet Francisco Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas on Neruda. The poem explores the psychic agony of lost love and its accompanying guilt and suffering, conjured in the imagery of savage eroticism, alienation, and loss of self-identity. Neruda’s message, according to Yudin, is that “what makes up life’s narrative (‘cuento’) are single, unconnected events, governed by chance, and meaningless (‘suceden’). Man is out of control, like someone hallucinating one-night stands in sordid places.” Yudin concluded that, “Despite its failed dialectic, ‘Las Furias y las penas’ sustains a haunting beauty in meaning and tone” and “bears the unmistakable signature of Neruda’s originality and achievement.”

While some critics have felt that Neruda’s devotion to Communist dogma was at times extreme, others recognize the important impact his politics had on his poetry. Clayton Eshleman wrote in the introduction to Cesar Vallejo’s Poemas humanos/ Human Poems that “Neruda found in the third book of Residencia the key to becoming the twentieth-century South American poet: the revolutionary stance which always changes with the tides of time.” Gordon Brotherton, in Latin American Poetry: Origins and Presence, expanded on this idea by noting that “Neruda, so prolific, can be lax, a ‘great bad poet’ (to use the phrase Juan Ramon Jimenez used to revenge himself on Neruda). And his change of stance ‘with the tides of time’ may not always be perfectly effected. But . . . his dramatic and rhetorical skills, better his ability to speak out of his circumstances, . . . was consummate. In his best poetry (of which there is much) he speaks on a scale and with an agility unrivaled in Latin America.”

Neruda expanded on his political views in the poem Canto general, which, according to de Costa, is a “lengthy epic on man’s struggle for justice in the New World.” Although Neruda had begun the poem as early as 1935—when he had intended it to be limited in scope only to Chile—he completed some of the work while serving in the Chilean senate as a representative of the Communist Party. However, party leaders recognized that the poet needed time to work on his opus, and granted him a leave of absence in 1947. Later that year, however, Neruda returned to political activism, writing letters in support of striking workers and criticizing Chilean President Videla. Early in 1948 the Chilean Supreme Court issued an order for his arrest, and Neruda finished the Canto general while hiding from Videla’s forces.

Canto general is the flowering of Neruda’s new political stance,” Don Bogen asserted in the Nation.“For Neruda food and other pleasures are our birthright—not as gifts from the earth or heaven but as the products of human labor.” According to Bogen, Canto general draws its “strength from a commitment to nameless workers—the men of the salt mines, the builders of Macchu Picchu—and the fundamental value of their labor. This is all very Old Left, of course.” Commenting on Canto general in Books Abroad, Jaime Alazraki remarked, “Neruda is not merely chronicling historical events. The poet is always present throughout the book not only because he describes those events, interpreting them according to a definite outlook on history, but also because the epic of the continent intertwines with his own epic.”

Although, as Bizzarro noted, “In [the Canto general], Neruda was to reflect some of the [Communist] party’s basic ideological tenets,” the work itself transcends propaganda. Looking back into American prehistory, the poet examined the land’s rich natural heritage and described the long defeat of the native Americans by the Europeans. Instead of rehashing Marxist dogma, however, he concentrated on elements of people’s lives common to all people at all times. Nancy Willard wrote in Testimony of the Invisible Man,“Neruda makes it clear that our most intense experience of impermanence is not death but our own isolation among the living. . . . If Neruda is intolerant of despair, it is because he wants nothing to sully man’s residence on earth.”

“In the Canto,” explained Duran and Safir, “Neruda reached his peak as a public poet. He produced an ideological work that largely transcended contemporary events and became an epic of an entire continent and its people.” According to Alazraki, “By bringing together his own odyssey and the drama of the continent, Neruda has simultaneously given to Canto general the quality of a lyric and an epic poem. The lives of conquistadors, martyrs, heroes, and just plain people recover a refreshing actuality because they become part of the poet’s fate, and conversely, the life of the poet gains new depth because in his search one recognizes the continent’s struggles. Canto general is, thus, the song of a continent as much as it is Neruda’s own song.”

Neruda returned to Chile from exile in 1953, and, said Duran and Safir, spent the last twenty years of his life producing “some of the finest love poetry in One Hundred Love Sonnets and parts of Extravagaria and La Barcarola; he produced Nature poetry that continued the movement toward close examination, almost still shots of every aspect of the external world, in the odes of Navegaciones y regresos, in The Stones of Chile, in The Art of Birds, in Una Casa en la arena and in Stones of the Sky. He continued as well his role as public poet in Canción de geste, in parts of Cantos ceremoniales, in the mythical La Espada encendida, and the angry Incitement to Nixonicide and Praise for the Chilean Revolution.

At this time, Neruda’s work began to move away from the highly political stance it had taken during the 1930s. Instead of concentrating on politicizing the common folk, Neruda began to try to speak to them simply and clearly, on a level that each could understand. He wrote poems on subjects ranging from rain to feet. By examining common, ordinary, everyday things very closely, according to Duran and Safir, Neruda gives us “time to examine a particular plant, a stone, a flower, a bird, an aspect of modern life, at leisure. We look at the object, handle it, turn it around, all the sides are examined with love, care, attention. This is, in many ways, Neruda . . . at his best.”

In 1971 Neruda reached the peak of his political career when the Chilean Communist party nominated him for president. He withdrew his nomination, however, when he reached an accord with Socialist nominee Salvador Allende. After Allende won the election he reactivated Neruda’s diplomatic credentials, appointing the poet ambassador to France. It was while Neruda was serving in Paris that he was awarded the Nobel Prize for literature, in recognition of his oeuvre. Poor health soon forced the poet to resign his post, however, and he returned to Chile, where he died in 1973—only days after a right-wing military coup killed Allende and seized power. Many of his last poems, some published posthumously, indicate his awareness of his death’s approach. As Fernando Alegria wrote in Modern Poetry Studies,“What I want to emphasize is something very simple: Neruda was, above all, a love poet and, more than anyone, an unwavering, powerful, joyous, conqueror of death.”

Commenting on Passions and Impressions, a posthumous collection of Neruda’s prose poems, political and literary essays, lectures, and newspaper articles, Mark Abley wrote in Maclean’s,“No matter what occasion provoked these pieces, his rich, tireless voice echoes with inimitable force.” As Neruda eschewed literary criticism, many critics found in him a lack of rationalism. According to Neruda, “It was through metaphor, not rational analysis and argument, that the mysteries of the world could be revealed,” remarked Stephen Dobyns in the Washington Post. However, Dobyns noted that Passions and Impressions“shows Neruda both at his most metaphorical and his most rational. . . . What one comes to realize from these prose pieces is how conscious and astute were Neruda’s esthetic choices. In retrospect at least his rejection of the path of the maestro, the critic, the rationalist was carefully calculated.” In his speech upon receiving the Nobel Prize, Neruda noted that “there arises an insight which the poet must learn through other people. There is no insurmountable solitude. All paths lead to the same goal: to convey to others what we are.”

In 2003, thirty years after Neruda’s death, an anthology of 600 of Neruda’s poems arranged chronologically was published as The Poetry of Pablo Neruda. The anthology draws from thirty-six different translators, and some of his major works are also presented in their original Spanish. Writing in the New Leader, Phoebe Pettingell pointed out that, although some works were left out because of the difficulty in presenting them properly in English, “an overwhelming body of Neruda’s output is here . . . and the collection certainly presents a remarkable array of subjects and styles.” Reflecting on the life and work of Neruda in the New Yorker,Mark Strand commented, “There is something about Neruda—about the way he glorifies experience, about the spontaneity and directness of his passion—that sets him apart from other poets. It is hard not to be swept away by the urgency of his language, and that’s especially so when he seems swept away.”



Career

Writer. Chilean consul to Rangoon, Burma, 1927, Colombo, Ceylon, 1929, and Batavia, Java, 1930, consul to Buenos Aires, Siam, Cambodia, Anam, and Madrid, early 1930s, and Mexico, 1941-44; elected to Chilean senate as Communist, 1945; self-exiled in Mexico, 1948-53; nominated for president on Chilean Communist Party ticket, 1970; Chilean ambassador to France, 1971-72. Founder and editor (with Manuel Altolaguirre) of El Caballo verde para la poesía (poetry periodical), 1935-36, and Aurora de Chile, 1938. Member of World Peace Council, 1950-73.

Bibliography

  • La Canción de la fiesta (poetry), Federacion de Estudiantes de Chile (Santiago, Chile), 1921.
  • Crepusculario (poetry), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1923, 4th edition, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1971.
  • Veinte poemas de amor y una canción desesperada, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1924, definitive edition, 1932, 16th edition, Losada (Buenos Aires, Aregentina), 1972, translation by W. S. Merwin published as Twenty Love Poems and a Song of Despair, J. Cape (London, England), 1969, reprinted, Penguin (New York, NY), 2004.
  • El Habitante y su esperanza (prose; also see below), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1925, 2nd edition, Ercilla (Santiago, Chile), 1939.
  • (With Tomas Lago) Anillos (prose poems; also see below), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1926.
  • Tentativa del hombre infinito (poem; also see below), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1926, new edition, Orbe (Santiago, Chile), 1964.
  • Prosas de Pablo Neruda (prose), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1926.
  • El Hondero entusiasta, 1923-1924 (poetry; also see below), Ercilla (Santiago, Chile), 1933, 3rd edition, 1938.
  • Residencia en la tierra (poetry and prose), Arbol (Madrid, Spain), Volume I (1925-31), 1933, Volume II (1931-35), 1935, published in one volume, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1944, 3rd edition, 1969, portions translated by Angel Flores as Selected Poems, privately printed, 1944, Volumes I and II translated by Flores as Residence on Earth and Other Poems, New Directions (New York, NY), 1946, revised edition, translated by Donald D. Walsh, 2004.
  • Poesías de Yillamediana presentadas por Pablo Neruda, Cruz y Raya (Madrid, Spain), 1935.
  • Homenaje a Pablo Neruda de los poetas españoles: Tres cantos materiales (poetry), Plutarco (Madrid, Spain), 1935, translation by Angel Flores published as Tres cantos materiales: Three Material Songs, East River Editions (New York, NY), 1948.
  • Sonetos de la muerte de Quevedo, presentados por Pablo Neruda, Cruz y Raya (Madrid, Spain), 1935.
  • España en el corazon: Himno a las glorias del pueblo en la guerra (poetry; first printed by Spanish Republican soldiers on the battlefront; also see below), Ercilla (Santiago, Chile), 1937, 2nd edition, 1938, translation by Richard Schaaf published as Spain in the Heart: Hymn to the Glories of the People at War, Azul Editions (Paris, France), 1993.
  • Las Furias y las penas (poetry), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1939.
  • (With Emilio Oribe and Juan Marinello) Neruda entre nosotros (prose), A.I.A.P.E. (Montevideo, Uruguay), 1939.
  • Homenaje a García Lorca (prose), A.I.A.P.E. (Montevideo, Uruguay), 1939.
  • Chile os acoge (prose), [Paris, France], 1939.
  • Un Canto para Bolivar (poetry), Universidad Nacional Autonoma de México (Mexico City, Mexico), 1941.
  • (Contributor of poetry) Presencia de García Lorca, Darro (Mexico), 1943.
  • Nuevo canto de amor a Stalingrado (poem), Comité de ayuda a Rusia en guerra (Mexico), 1943.
  • Canto general de Chile (poem), privately printed, 1943, portions published as El Mal y el malo, P. Alcantara y V. Amaya (Peterborough, NH), 1974.
  • Cantos de Pablo Neruda (poetry), Hora del Hombre (Lima, Peru), 1943.
  • Cantico, La Gran Colombia (Bogota, Colombia), 1943.
  • Pablo Neruda: Sus mejores versos, La Grand Colombia (Bogota, Colombia), 1943.
  • Saludo al norte y Stalingrado, privately printed, 1945.
  • Carta a México, Fondo de Cultura Popular (Mexico City, Mexico), 1947.
  • Tercera residencia, 1935-1945 (poetry; includes España en el corazon), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1947, 5th edition, 1971.
  • Viajes al corazon de Quevedo y por las costas del mundo (prose), Sociedad de Escritores de Chile (Santiago, Chile), 1947.
  • 28 de Enero, Partido Comunista de Chile (Chile), 1947.
  • Los Heroes de carcon encarnan los ideales de democracia e independencia nacional, El Tranviario (Santiago, Chile), 1947.
  • La Verdad sobre las ruputuras (prose), Principios (Santiago, Chile), 1947.
  • La Crisis democratica de Chile, Hora del Hombre (Lima, Peru), 1947, translation published as The Democratic Crisis of Chile, Committee for Friendship in the Americas (New York, NY), 1948.
  • Dura elegia, Cruz del Sur (Santiago, Chile), 1948.
  • Himno y regreso, Cruz del Sur (Santiago, Chile), 1948.
  • Que despierte el leñador! (poetry), Coleccion Yagruma (Havanna, Cuba), 1948, translation published as Peace for Twilights to Come!, Jayant Bhatt for People's Publishing House (Bombay, India), 1950.
  • Alturas de Macchu-Picchu (poetry), Libreria Neira (Santiago, Chile), 1948, definitive edition, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1954, translation by Nathaniel Tarn published as The Heights of Macchu Picchu, J. Cape (London, England), 1966, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1967.
  • Coral de año nuevo para mi patria en tinieblas, privately printed, 1948.
  • Pablo Neruda acusa, Pueblos Unidos (Montevideo, Uruguay), 1948.
  • Y ha llegado el monento en que debemos elegir, privately printed, 1949.
  • Gonzalez Videla, el laval de America Latina: Breve biografia de un traidor, Fondo de Cultura Popular (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1949.
  • Dulce patria, Pacifico (Santiago, Chile), 1949.
  • Neruda en Guatemala (prose), Saker-Ti (Guatemala), 1950.
  • Patria prisionera, Hora del Hombre (Lima, Peru), 1951.
  • A la memoria de Ricardo Fonseca, Amistad (Santiago, Chile), 1951.
  • Cuando de Chile, Austral (Santiago, Chile), 1952.
  • Poemas, Fundamentos (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1952.
  • Los Versos del capitán: Poemas de amor (anonymously published until 3rd edition, 1963), privately printed (Naples, Italy), 1952, 7th edition, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1972, translation by Donald D. Walsh published as The Captain's Verses, New Directions (New York, NY), 1972, reprinted, 2004.
  • Todo el amor (poetry), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1953.
  • En su muerte, Partido Comunista Argentino (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1953.
  • Poesía politica: Discursos politicos, two volumes, Austral (Santiago, Chile), 1953.
  • Las Uvas y el viento (poetry), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1954.
  • Odas elementales (first volume of "Elementary Odes"; also see below), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1954, 3rd edition, 1970.
  • Discurso inauguracion fundación Pablo Neruda, Universidad de Chile (Santiago, Chile), 1954.
  • Alli murio la muerte, Centro de Amigos de Polonia (Santiago, Chile), 1954.
  • Regreso la sirena (poetry), Centro de Amigos de Polonia, 1954.
  • Viaies (prose), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1955.
  • Nuevas odas elementales (second volume of "Elementary Odes"; also see below), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1956, 3rd edition, 1971.
  • Oda a la tipografía (poetry), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1956.
  • Dos odas elementales, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1957.
  • Estravagario (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1958, 3rd edition, 1971, translation by Alastair Reid published as Extravagaria, J. Cape (London, England), 1972, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1974.
  • Tercer libro de las odas (third volume of "Elementary Odes"), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1959.
  • Algunas odas (poetry), Edicion del 55 (Santiago, Chile), 1959.
  • Cien sonetos de amor (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1959, 6th edition, 1971, translation by Stephen J. Tapscott published as One Hundred Love Sonnets, University of Texas Press (Austin, TX), 1986.
  • Odas: Al libro, a las Americas, a la luz (poetry), Homenaje de la Asociacion de Escritores Venezolanos (Caracas, Venezuela), 1959.
  • Todo lleva tu nombre (poetry), Ministerio de Educacion (Caracas, Venezuela), 1959.
  • Navegaciones y regresos (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1959.
  • (With Federico García Lorca) Discurso al Alimon sobre Ruben Dario, Semana Dariana (Nicaragua), 1959.
  • (With Pablo Picasso) Toros: 15 lavis inedits, Au Vent d'Arles (Paris, France), 1960.
  • Canción de gesta (poetry), Imprenta Nacional de Cuba (Havana, Cuba), 1960, 3rd edition, Siglo (Montevideo, Uruguay), 1968.
  • Oceana (poem), La Tertulia (Havana, Cuba), 1960, 2nd edition, 1962.
  • Los Primeros versos de amor (poetry), Austral (Santiago, Chile), 1961.
  • Las Piedras de Chile (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1961, translation by Dennis Maloney published as The Stones of Chile, White Pine (Buffalo, NY), 1987.
  • Primer dia de la Sebastiana, privately printed, 1961.
  • Cantos ceremoniales (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1961, 2nd edition 1972, published as Ceremonial Songs, Latin American Literary Review (Pittsburgh, PA), 1996.
  • Plenos poderes (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1962, 2nd edition, 1971, translation by Alastair Reid published as Fully Empowered: Plenos poderes, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1975, reprinted, New Directions (New York, NY), 1995.
  • (With Mario Toral) Poema con grabado (poetry), Isla Negra (Santiago, Chile), 1962.
  • La Insepulta de Paita (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1962.
  • Con los catolicos hacía la paz, [Santiago, Chile], 1962, published as Cuba: Los Obispos, Paz y Soberania (Lima, Peru), 1962.
  • (With Nicanor Parra) Discursos (prose), Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1962.
  • Mensaje de paz y unidad, Internacionalismo proletario, [and] El poeta de la revolucion (addresses), Esclarecimiento (Lima, Peru), 1963.
  • (With Gustavo Hernan and Guillermo Atias) Presencia de Ramon Lopez Yelarde en Chile, Universitaria (Santiago, Chile), 1963.
  • Memorial de Isla Negra (poetry), Volume 1: Donde nace la lluvia, Volume 2: La Luna en el laberinto, Volume 3: El Fuego cruél, Volume 4: El Cazador de raices, Volume 5: Sonata critica, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1964, translation by Alastair Reid published as Isla Negra: A Notebook, bilingual edition, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1980.
  • Arte de párjaros, Sociedad de Amigos del Arte Contemporaneo (Santiago, Chile), 1966, translation by Jack Schmitt published as The Art of Birds, University of Texas Press (Austin, TX), 1985.
  • Una Casa en la arena (poetry and prose), Lumen (Barcelona, Spain), 1966, 2nd edition, 1969.
  • La Barcarola (poem), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1967.
  • Fulgor y muerte de Joaquin Murieta: Bandido chileno injusticiado en California el 23 de julio de 1853 (play), Zig-Zag (Santiago, Chile), 1967, translation by Ben Belitt published as Splendor and Death of Joaquin Murieta, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1972.
  • (With Miguel Angel Asturias) Comiendo en Hungria (poetry and prose), Lumen (Barcelona, Spain), 1968.
  • Las Manos del dia (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1968, 2nd edition, 1970.
  • Aún: Poema, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1969.
  • Fin de mundo (poem), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1969.
  • La Copa de sangre (poetry and prose), privately printed, 1969.
  • La Espada encendida, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1970, 2nd edition, 1972.
  • Las Piedras del cielo, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1970, translation by James Nolan published as Stones of the Sky, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1987.
  • Discurso pronunciado con occasion de la entrega del premio Nobel de literatura, 1971, Centre de recherches hispaniques (Paris, France), 1972, translation published as Toward the Splendid City: Nobel Lecture, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1974.
  • Cantos de amor y de combate (poetry), Austral (Santiago, Chile), 1971.
  • Geografia infructuosa (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1972.
  • Cuatros poemas escritos en Francia, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1972.
  • Libro de las odas, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1972.
  • El Mar y las campanas: Poemas, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1973, translation by William O'Daly published as The Sea and the Bells, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1988.
  • La Rosa separada (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1973, translation by William O'Daly as A Separate Rose, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1985.
  • El Corazon amarillo (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1974, translation by William O'Daly published as The Yellow Heart, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1990.
  • Elegia (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1974, published as Elegia: Obra postuma, Seix Barral (Barcelona, Spain), 1976.
  • Incitacion al Nixonicidio y alabanza de la revolucion chilena (poetry), Grijalbo (Barcelona, Spain), 1974, translation by Steve Kowit published as Incitement to Nixonicide and Praise for the Chilean Revolution, Quixote (Houston, TX), 1974, 2nd edition, 1980.
  • Defectos escogidos (poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1974.
  • Oda a la lagartija (poem), P. R. Martorell (Camp Rico de Canovanas, Puerto Rico), 1974.
  • Jardin de invierno, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1974, published as Jardin de invierno: Obras postuma, Seix Barral (Barcelona, Spain), 1977, translation by William O'Daly published as Winter Garden, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1986.
  • Libro de las preguntas, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1974, translation by William O'Daly published as The Book of Questions, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1991.
  • Cartas de amor de Pablo Neruda (correspondence), compiled by Sergio Lorrain, Rodas (Madrid, Spain), 1974.
  • Confieso que he vivido: Memorias, Seix Barral (Barcelona, Spain), 1974, translation by Hardie St. Martin published as Memoirs, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1977.
OMNIBUS VOLUMES
  • Seleccion (poetry), compiled by Arturo Aldunate, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1943.
  • 1947-1948 Coleccion residencia en la tierra: Obra poética, ten volumes, Cruz del Sur (Santiago, Chile).
  • Canto general (poetry), Comite Auspiciador (Mexico), 1950, 5th edition in two volumes, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1971.
  • Poesías completas, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1951.
  • Los Versos mas populares (poetry), Austral (Santiago, Chile), 1954.
  • Los Mejores versos de Pablo Neruda (poetry), [Buenos Aires], 1956.
  • Obras completas, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1957, 3rd edition published in two volumes, 1968.
  • El Habitante y su esperanza, El hondero entusiasta, Tentativa del hombre infinito, [and] Anillos, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1957, 4th edition, 1971.
  • Antología, Nascimento (Santiago, Chile), 1957, 4th enlarged edition, 1970.
  • The Selected Poems of Pablo Neruda, edited and translated by Ben Belitt, Grove (New York, NY), 1961.
  • Poesías, selected by Roberto Retamar, Casa de las Americas (Havana, Cuba), 1965.
  • Antología esencial, selected by Hernan Loyola, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1971.
  • Poemas immortales, selected by Jaime Concha, Quimantu (Santiago, Chile), 1971.
  • Obras escogidas (poetry), selected by Francisco Coloane, A. Bello (Santiago, Chile), 1972.
  • Antología popular 1972, [Santiago, Chile], 1972.
  • Pablo Neruda (includes poems, Nobel prize acceptance speech, interview, and chronologies), Noroeste (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1973.
  • Poesía, two volumes, Noguer (Barcelona, Spain), 1974.
  • Neruda's Garden: An Anthology of Odes, Latin American Literary Review (Pittsburgh, PA), 1995.
  • Full Woman, Fleshly Apple, Hot Moon: Selected Poems of Pablo Neruda, translated by Stephen Mitchell, Harper (New York, NY), 1997.
  • The Essential Neruda: Selected Poems, edited by Mark Eisner, translation by Forrest Gander, City Light Books (San Francisco, CA), 2004.
OTHER ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
  • Let the Splitter Awake and Other Poems (selected from Que despierte el leñador!, and Canto général; also see below), translated by Waldeen, Masses & Mainstream (New York, NY), 1950, reprinted, International Publishing (New York, NY, 1989, portions published as Let the Rail-Splitter Awake, 1951.
  • Twenty Love Poems: A Disdaining Song, translated by W. S. Merwin, Grossman (New York, NY), 1961.
  • Elementary Odes, translated by Carlos Lozano, G. Massa (New York, NY), 1961.
  • Bestiary/Bestiario: A Poem, translated by Elsa Neuberger, Harcourt (New York, NY), 1965.
  • Nocturnal Collection: A Poem, translated by Angel Flores, [Madison, WI], 1966.
  • We Are Many (poem), translated by Alastair Reid, Cape Goliard Press, 1967, Grossman (New York, NY), 1968.
  • Twenty Poems (selected from Residencia en la tierra, Canto général, and Odas elementales), translated by James Wright and Robert Bly, Sixties Press (Madison, WI), 1967.
  • Ben Belitt, editor, A New Decade: Poems, 1958-1967, translated by Belitt and Alastair Reid, Grove (New York, NY), 1969.
  • Pablo Neruda: The Early Poems, translated by David Ossman and Carlos B. Hagen, New Rivers Press (New York, NY), 1969.
  • Nathaniel Tarn, editor, Selected Poems, translated by Anthony Kerrigan and others, J. Cape (London, England), 1970, Delacorte (New York, NY), 1972.
  • New Poems, 1968-1970, edited and translated by Ben Belitt, Grove (New York, NY), 1972.
  • Residence on Earth (includes Residencia en la tierra, Volumes I and II, and Tercera residencia), translated by Donald D. Walsh, New Directions (New York, NY), 1973.
  • Five Decades: A Selection (Poems 1925-1970), edited and translated by Ben Belitt, Grove (New York, NY), 1974.
  • Passions and Impressions, translated by Margaret Sayers Peden, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1982.
  • Windows That Open Inward: Images of Chile, translated by Alastair Reid and others, White Pine (Buffalo, NY), 1984.
  • Still Another Day, translated by William O'Daly, Copper Canyon Press (Port Townsend, WA), 1984.
  • The House at Isla Negra, translated by Dennis Maloney and Clark Zlotchew, White Pine (Buffalo, NY), 1988.
  • Late and Posthumous Poems, 1968-1974, edited and translated by Ben Belitt, Grove (New York, NY), 1989.
  • Selected Odes of Pablo Neruda, translated by Margaret Sayers Peden, University of California Press (Berkeley, CA), 1990.
  • 2000, translated by Schaaf, Azul Editions (Paris, France), 1993.
  • Seaquake-Maremoto, translated by Dennis Maloney and Maria Giacchetti, White Pine (Buffalo, NY), 1993.
  • Pablo Neruda: An Anthology of Odes, edited by Yvette E. Miller, translated by Maria Giacchetti, Latin American Literary Review Press (Pittsburgh, PA), 1994.
  • Ferris Cook, editor, Odes to Common Things, translated by Ken Krabbenhoft, Little, Brown (Boston, MA), 1994.
  • Ferris Cook, editor, Odes to Opposites, translated by Ken Krabbenhoft, Little, Brown (Boston, MA), 1995.
  • En el corazón de un poeta (selección), introduction and notes by Esteban Llorach Ramos, Gente Nueva (Havana, Cuba), 1999.
  • Prólogos, Sudamericana (Santiago, Chile), 2000.
  • Oda a las flores de Datitla, (reproductions of pages of leaves and wildflowers, pressed and arranged by Matilde Neruda with handwritten verses by author), Sintesys (Santiago, Chile), c. 2002.
  • The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, edited and with an introduction by Ilan Stavans, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 2003.
  • On the Blue Shore of Silence : Poems of the Sea/ A la orilla azul del silencio, translations by Alastair Reid, paintings by Mary Heebner, Rayo (New York, NY), 2004.
OTHER
  • (Translator into Spanish) William Blake, Visiones de las hijas de Albion y el viajero mental, Cruz y Raya (Madrid, Spain), 1935.
  • (Translator into Spanish) William Shakespeare, Romeo y Julieta, Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1964.
  • (Translator into Spanish) Cuarenta y cuatro (Rumanian poetry), Losada (Buenos Aires, Argentina), 1967.
  • Pablo Neruda and Nicanor Parra Face to Face (speeches), E. Mellen Press (Lewsiton, NY), 1997.
  • Neruda at Isla Negra (prose poems), translations by Dennis Maloney and Clark M. Zlotchew, photographs by Milton Rogovin, foreword by Marjorie Agosin, afterword by Ariel Dorfman, White Pines Press (Freedonia, NY), 1998.
  • Pablo Neruda en Breve (poems), prologue by Nelson Osorio T., Universidad de Santiago (Santiago, Chile), 2001.
Also author of Cartas de amor, edited by Sergio Larrain, 1974; Cartas a Laura, edited by Hugo Montes, 1978; Para nacer he nacido, 1980; (with Hector Eandi) Correspondancia, edited by Margarita Aguirre, 1980; and Poemas, Horizonte. Also editor and translator of Paginas escogidas de Anatole France, 1924. Work represented in anthologies, including Anthology of Contemporary Latin American Poetry, edited by Dudley Fitts, New Directions (New York, NY), 1942; and Modern European Poetry, edited by Willis Barnstone, Bantam (New York, NY), 1966. Contributor to books, including Neruda and Vallejo: Selected Poems, compiled by Robert Bly, translated by Bly and others, Beacon Press (Boston, MA), 1971; For Neruda, for Chile: An International Anthology, edited by Walter Lowenfels, Beacon Press, 1975; Three Spanish American Poets: Pellicer, Neruda, Andrade, edited by Lloyd Mallan, translated by Mary Wicker, Gordon Press (New York, NY), 1977; and Macchu Picchu, photographs by Barry Brukoff, translated by Stephen Kessler, prologue by Isabel Allende, Little, Brown (Boston, MA), 2001. Contributor of poems and articles to periodicals, including Selva austral, Poetry, Nation, Commonweal, Canadian Forum, and California Quarterly.

Further Reading

BOOKS
  • Benson, Rachel, translator, Nine Latin American Poets, Las Americas, 1968.
  • Bizzarro, Salvatore, Pablo Neruda: All Poets the Poet, Scarecrow Press (Metuchen, NJ), 1979.
  • Bloom, Harold, editor, Pablo Neruda, Chelsea House (New York, NY), 1989.
  • Brotherton, Gordon, Latin American Poetry: Origins and Presence, Cambridge University Press (Cambridge, NY), 1975.
  • Burnshaw, Stanley, editor, The Poem Itself, Holt (New York, NY), 1960.
  • Contemporary Literary Criticism, Gale (Detroit, MI), Volume 1, 1973, Volume 2, 1974, Volume 5, 1976, Volume 7, 1977, Volume 9, 1978, Volume 28, 1984.
  • de Costa, Rene, The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, Harvard University Press (Cambridge, MA), 1979.
  • Duran, Manuel, and Margery Safir, Earth Tones: The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, Indiana University Press (Bloomington, IN), 1981.
  • Gallagher, David P., Modern Latin American Literature, Oxford University Press (Oxford, England), 1973.
  • García Lorca, Federico, Obras completas, Aguilar, 1964.
  • Neruda, Pablo, Confieso que he vivado: Memorias, Seix Barral (Barcelona, Spain), 1974, translation by Hardie St. Martin published as Memoirs, Farrar, Straus (New York, NY), 1977.
  • Neruda, Pablo, Poemas humanos/ Human Poems, translated by Clayton Eschelman, Grove (New York, NY), 1969.
  • Reiss, Frank, The Word and the Stone: Language and Imagery in Neruda's "Canto général," Oxford University Press (Oxford, England), 1972.
  • Santi, Enrico-Mario, Pablo Neruda: The Poetics of Prophecy, Cornell University Press (Ithaca, NY), 1982.
  • Willard, Nancy, Testimony of the Invisible Man: William Carlos Williams, Francis Ponge, Rainer Maria Rilke, Pablo Neruda, University of Missouri Press (Columbia, MO), 1970.
PERIODICALS
  • Americas, March-April, 1991; September-October, 1991; September-October, 1992; July-August, 1995, p. 60.
  • Booklist, July, 2003, review of The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, p. 1858.
  • Books, June, 1966.
  • Books Abroad, winter, 1972, p. 49.
  • Book Week, May 28, 1967.
  • Encounter, September, 1965.
  • English Journal, September, 1987.
  • Evergreen Review, December, 1966.
  • Forum for Modern Language Studies, January, 1988.
  • Hispania, March, 1985, p. 55.
  • International Wildlife, May-June, 1987.
  • Library Journal, June 1, 2003, Jack Shreve, review of The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, p. 126.
  • Maclean's, February 7, 1983, p. 50.
  • Modern Poetry Studies, spring, 1974.
  • Nation, July 1, 1966; January 27, 1992, p. 95.
  • New Leader, July 3, 1967; July-August, 2003, Phoebe Pettingell, review of The Poetry of Pablo Neruda, p. 29.
  • New Statesman, June 4, 1965.
  • New Yorker, September 8, 2003, Mark Strand, "The Ecstasist," p. 091.
  • New York Review of Books, October 3, 1974; March 21, 1996, p. 16.
  • New York Times, June 18, 1966; August 1, 1966; March 4, 1977.
  • New York Times Book Review, July 10, 1966; May 21, 1967.
  • Poetry, June, 1947; February, 1963; October, 1967; June, 1968.
  • Publishers Weekly, October 23, 1995, p. 65.
  • Ramparts, September, 1974.
  • Saturday Review, July 9, 1966; November 13, 1971.
  • Washington Post, February 27, 1983, p. 4.
ONLINE
  • Nobel e-Museum, http://www.nobel.se/ (April 12, 2004), Pablo Neruda, "Towards the Splendid City" (Nobel Lecture, December 13, 1971).
  •  
  •  © 2013 Poetry Foundation
...and I am Sid Harth

Algae Bloom in Qingdao, China

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With Surf Like Turf, Huge Algae Bloom Befouls China Coast

Jian Feng/European Pressphoto Agency
Tourists playing Wednesday along the shore in Qingdao, which has been hit with a near-record bloom of green, stringy algae the Chinese call “sea lettuce.”
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BEIJING — In what has become an annual summer scourge, the coastal Chinese city of Qingdao has been hit by a near-record algae bloom that has left its popular beaches fouled with a green, stringy muck.
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An algae-covered public beach in Qingdao, China, on Thursday.
The New York Times
Qingdao’s algae is generally harmless to humans, but not marine life.
The State Oceanic Administration said an area larger than Connecticut had been affected by the mat of “sea lettuce,” as it is known in Chinese, which is generally harmless to humans but chokes off marine life and invariably chases away tourists as it begins to rot.
Some beachgoers appeared to be amused by the outbreak, at least according to the Chinese news media, which in recent days have featured images of swimmers lounging on bright green beds of algae, tossing it around with glee or piling it atop of one another as if it were sand.
Local officials, however, are less enthusiastic. Last month, they declared a “large-scale algae disaster,” sending hundreds of boats and bulldozers to clean up the waters off Qingdao, a former German concession in Shandong Province that is famous for its beer and beaches. As of Monday, about 19,800 tons of the algae had been cleared, the Qingdao government said. While valued for its nutrition — or as an ingredient in fertilizers and biomass energy production — algae in large quantities can prove dangerous as it decomposes, producing toxic hydrogen sulfide gas. It also smells like rotten eggs.
The green tide, spread over 7,500 square miles, is thought to be twice the size of an outbreak in 2008 that threatened sailing events during the Beijing Olympics, which took place near Qingdao. Officials deployed boats, helicopters and 10,000 workers to keep the waters clear for the competition.
The cleanup costs were later estimated at more than $30 million. Abalone, clam and sea cucumber farms suffered more than $100 million in damage, according to a 2011 study by researchers from the Chinese Academy of Fishery Sciences. A 2009 outbreak was bigger.
Although biologists are at a loss to explain the most recent algae bloom, scientists suspect it is connected to pollution and increased seaweed farming in the province just south of Shandong. While similar green tides have been reported around the world, the annual bloom in the Yellow Sea is considered the largest, growing to an estimated million tons of biomass each year.
The green tides were first reported in Qingdao in 2007. A central factor is the high supply of nutrients from agricultural runoff and wastewater. But those pollutants have been in the Yellow Sea for decades, leading scientists to look for new triggers.
A group of researchers believe that the algae that washes up around Qingdao originates farther south in seaweed farms along the coast of Jiangsu Province. The farms grow porphyra, known as nori in Japanese cuisine, on large rafts in coastal waters. The rafts attract a kind of algae called Ulva prolifera, and when the farmers clean them off each spring they spread the algae out into the Yellow Sea, where it finds nutrients and warm conditions ideal for blooming.
“It feeds off those nutrients and grows bigger and bigger, and eventually you can see it from satellites,” said John Keesing, a scientist at the Csiro Division of Marine and Atmospheric Research in Australia who is studying the green tide with Chinese researchers. “The currents gently move the algae in a northeastern direction out into the center of the Yellow Sea. You get a huge amount, and eventually it starts to wash on shore.”
While farmers have long grown seaweed along the Jiangsu coast, the rafts expanded much farther offshore starting in 2006, which may have contributed to the recent blooms, according to an article published by Dr. Keesing and his colleagues. The answer to curtailing the blooms may lie in disposing of the algae that clogs the nori rafts on land.
“We haven’t suggested people stop growing porphyra, but proper husbandry methods to prevent much of the waste algae from going into sea, that’s probably the only preventive measure that could be deployed,” he said. 


...and I am Sid Harth

Jai Namoji ki

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Sid Harth
4:45 AM
 
The prime minister of India Addresses August 15, 2014 Lal Qila rally
TNN August 16, 2014


For the first time in the history, the prime minister, Narendra Modiji, decided to address the nation, not from the ramparts of Lal Qila, Delhi, but by video-conferencing, from his former palace in Gujarat's capital, Gandhi Nagar.

Just like his Hindutva 'compadre' Shiv Sena 'remote controller' Bal Thackeray, Modiji is running the country, from the safe haven in Gujarat. He wants to stay behind to protect, preserve and promote 60, 000,000 (six crore) Gujarati 'bhai' and 'ben.'

When China's president came on an official visit, Narendra Modiji sent his video clip, wearing a typical 'Bhavnagari Pheta' to Xi Jinping.
This insult was too much for India's northern neighbor. So much so that Xi Jinping sent him real, live Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) battery with a gracious thank you note.

Missiles arrived, promptly.

Historians, in 3014, digging for  evidence of Xi Jinping's friendly note, found it intact, everything else was totally destroyed. Six crore bhai and bens, all gone to 'Vaikunhta.'

Jai Namoji!

The End.

...and I am Sid Harth

The Voice Is All: The Lonely Victory of Jack Kerouac

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The Voice Is All: The Lonely Victory of Jack Kerouac

The Voice Is All: The Lonely Victory of Jack Kerouac


In The Voice Is All, Joyce Johnson, author of Minor Characters, her classic
memoir about her relationship with Jack Kerouac, brilliantly peels away
layers of the Kerouac legend to show how, caught between two cultures
and two languages, he forged a voice to contain his dualities.
Looking more deeply than previous biographers into how Kerouac’s French-
Canadian background enriched his prose and gave him a unique outsider’s
vision of America, Johnson tracks Kerouac’s development over the first thirty
years of his life, from his boyhood in  Lowell, Massachusetts during the Great
Depression through the phenomenal breakthroughs of 1951 that resulted in
the composition of On the Road, followed by the first sections of Visions of Cody.
By illuminating Kerouac’s early decision to sacrifice everything to his work,
The Voice Is All deals with him on his own terms and puts into perspective
the tragic contradictions of his nature and his complex relationships with his
remarkable circle of friends, the women whose lives he passed through, the father who never understood his
choices, and the mother who enabled his writing but never let him go.
The Voice Is All presents a revelatory portrayal of Kerouac not only in the midst of his tumultuous existence in
postwar Manhattan and his fateful encounters with Allen Ginsberg, William Burroughs, Neal Cassady and John
Clellon Holmes, but in the periods of solitude, frustrating struggle and visionary inspiration that produced his
work.
It shows Kerouac as a lifelong prodigious reader and astute critic, as a conscious and uncommonly dedicated
young artist with a kind of idiosyncratic perfectionism.   It sheds new light upon the composition of On the Road,
documenting how Kerouac’s legendary “spontaneous” writing was preceded by three years of abandoned novels
in which characters, episodes, and story lines were reshuffled, and reveals for the first time that the most important
literary influence upon the writing of On the Road was Céline’s Journey to the End of the Night.  It liberates Kerouac
from the inadequate and misleading label “King of the Beats,” and creates a new, even more haunting and
compelling image of him, drawn from what he himself wrote in his private papers.
This groundbreaking, much needed biography significantly deepens our understanding of Kerouac’s
achievement as a writer and will change the way his books   are read in the twenty-first century.
Joyce Johnson’s eight books include the 1983 National Book Critics Circle Award winner Minor Characters,
the recent memoir Missing Men, the novel In the Night Café, and Door Wide Open: A Beat Love Affair in Letters
1957 – 1958 
(with Jack Kerouac).  She has written for Vanity Fair and the New Yorker and lives in New York City.

 http://www.joycejohnsonbooks.net/voice-is-all-the-lonely-victory-of-jack/

...and I am Sid Harth

Jack Kerouac

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Jack Kerouac

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jack Kérouac
Kerouac by Palumbo.jpg
Jack Kérouac by Tom Palumbo circa 1956
BornJean-Louis Kérouac[1]
March 12, 1922
Lowell, Massachusetts, United States
DiedOctober 21, 1969 (aged 47)
St. Petersburg, Florida, United States
OccupationNovelist, poet, painter
NationalityAmerican
GenresBeat poets
Literary movementBeat
Notable work(s)On the Road
The Dharma Bums
Big Sur



Signature
Jean-Louis "Jack" Kérouac (/ˈkɛræk/ or /ˈkɛrɵæk/; March 12, 1922 – October 21, 1969) was an American novelist and poet. He is considered a literary iconoclast and, alongside William S. Burroughs and Allen Ginsberg, a pioneer of the Beat Generation.[2] Kerouac is recognized for his spontaneous method of writing, covering topics such as Catholic spirituality, jazz, promiscuity, Buddhism, drugs, poverty, and travel. Kerouac became an underground celebrity and, with other beats, a progenitor of the hippie movement, although he remained antagonistic toward some of its politically radical elements.[3]
In 1969, at age 47, Kerouac died from internal bleeding due to long term abuse of alcohol. Since his death Kerouac's literary prestige has grown and several previously unseen works have been published. All of his books are in print today, among them: On the Road, Doctor Sax, The Dharma Bums,Mexico City Blues, The Subterraneans, Desolation Angels, Visions of Cody, The Sea is My Brother, and Big Sur.

Biography

Early Life and Adolescence

Jack Kerouac was born on 9 Lupine Road in the West Centralville section of Lowell Massachusetts, 2nd floor.
Jack Kerouac was born in Lowell, Massachusetts, to French-Canadian parents, Léo-Alcide Kéroack and Gabrielle-Ange Lévesque, of St-Hubert-de-Rivière-du-Loup in the province of Quebec, Canada. There is some confusion surrounding his original name, partly due to variations on the spelling of Kerouac, and partly because of Kerouac's own promotion of his name as Jean-Louis Lebris de Kerouac. His reason for doing so seems to be linked to an old family legend that the Kerouacs had descended from Baron François Louis Alexandre Lebris de Kerouac. Kerouac's baptism certificate lists his name simply as Jean Louis Kirouac, and indeed Kirouac is the most common spelling of the name in Quebec.[4] Kerouac claimed he descended from a Breton nobleman, granted land after the Battle of Quebec, whose sons all married Native Americans.[5] Research has shown that Kerouac's roots were indeed in Brittany, and he was descended from a middle-class merchant colonist, Urbain-François Le Bihan, Sieur de Kervoac, whose sons married French Canadians.[6][7] Kerouac's own father had been born to a family of potato farmers in the village of St-Hubert-de-Rivière-du-Loup. He also had various stories on the etymology of his surname, usually tracing it to Irish, Breton, Cornish or other Celtic roots. In one interview he claimed it was from the name of the Cornish language (Kernewek) and that the Kerouacs had fled from Cornwall to Brittany.[8] Another belief was that the Kerouacs had come to Cornwall from Ireland before the time of Christ and that the name meant "language of the house".[9] In another interview he said it was from the Irish for "language of the water" and related to Kerwick.[10] Kerouac, derived from Kervoach, is the name of one hamlet situated in Brittany in Lanmeur, near Morlaix.[11]
His third of several homes growing up in the West Centralville section of Lowell, Jack Kerouac later referred to 34 Beaulieu Street as "sad Beaulieu". The Kerouac family was living there in 1926 when Jack's older brother Gerard died of rheumatic fever at the age of nine. Jack was four at the time, and would later say that Gerard followed him in life as a guardian angel. This is the Gerard of Kerouac's novel Visions of Gerard.
Kerouac was referred to as Ti Jean or little John around the house during his childhood.[4] Kerouac spoke French until he learned English at age six, not speaking it confidently until his late teens.[12] He was a serious child who was devoted to his mother, who played an important role in his life. She was a devout Catholic, instilling this devoutness into both her sons.[13] Kerouac would later say that his mother was the only woman he ever loved.[14] When he was four, he was profoundly affected by the death of his nine-year-old brother, Gérard, from rheumatic fever, an event later described in his novel Visions of Gerard. His mother sought solace in her faith, while his father abandoned it, wallowing in drinking, gambling and smoking.[13] Some of Kerouac's poetry was written in French, and in letters written to friend Allen Ginsberg towards the end of his life, he expressed his desire to speak his parents' native tongue again. Recently, it was discovered that Kerouac first started writing On the Road in French, a language in which he also wrote two unpublished novels.[15] The writings are in dialectal Quebec French.[16]
On May 17, 1928, while six years old, Kerouac had his first Sacrament of Confession.[17] For penance he was told to say a rosary, during the meditation of which he could hear God tell him that he had a good soul, that he would suffer in his life and die in pain and horror, but would in the end have salvation.[17] This experience, along with his dying brother's vision of the Virgin Mary, as the nuns fawned over him convinced that he was a saint, combined with a later discovery of Buddhism and ongoing commitment to Christ, solidified his worldview which informs his work.[17]
There were few black people in Lowell,[18] so the young Kerouac did not encounter much of the racism that was common in other parts of the United States. Kerouac once recalled to Ted Berrigan, in an interview with the Paris Review, an incident in the 1940s, in which his mother and father were walking together in a Jewish neighborhood in the Lower East Side of New York, recalling "a whole bunch of rabbis walking arm in arm... teedah- teedah - teedah... and they wouldn't part for this Christian man and his wife. So my father went POOM! and knocked a rabbi right in the gutter."[19][20] His father, after the death of his child, also treated a priest with similar contempt, angrily throwing him out of the house after an invitation by Gabrielle.[13]
Kerouac's athletic skills as a running back in American football for Lowell High School earned him scholarship offers from Boston College, Notre Dame and Columbia University. He entered Columbia University after spending a year at Horace Mann School, where he earned the requisite grades to matriculate to Columbia. Kerouac cracked a tibia playing football during his freshman season, and he argued constantly with Coach Lou Little who kept him benched. While at Columbia, Kerouac wrote several sports articles for the student newspaper, the Columbia Daily Spectator and joined the fraternity of Phi Gamma Delta.[21][22] He also studied at The New School.[23]

Early adulthood

Kerouac's Naval Reserve Enlistment mugshot, 1943.
When his football career at Columbia soured, Kerouac dropped out of the university. He continued to live for a period on New York City's Upper West Side with his girlfriend, Edie Parker. It was during this time that he met the people—now famous—with whom he would always be associated, the subjects injected into many of his novels: the so-called Beat Generation, including Allen Ginsberg, Neal Cassady, John Clellon Holmes, Herbert Huncke and William S. Burroughs.
Kerouac joined the United States Merchant Marine in 1942, and in 1943 joined the United States Navy, but he served only eight days of active duty before arriving on the sick list. According to his medical report, Jack Kerouac said he “asked for an aspirin for his headaches and they diagnosed me dementia praecox and sent me here.” The medical examiner reported Jack Kerouac’s military adjustment was poor, quoting Kerouac: “I just can’t stand it; I like to be by myself”. Two days later he was honorably discharged on psychiatric grounds (he was of "indifferent character" with a diagnosis of "schizoid personality").[24]
After serving briefly in the US Merchant Marine, Kerouac authored his first novel, The Sea is My Brother. Although written in 1942, the book was not published until 2011, some 42 years after Kerouac's death, and 70 years after the book was written. Although Kerouac described the work as being about "man’s simple revolt from society as it is, with the inequalities, frustration, and self-inflicted agonies", Kerouac reputedly viewed the work as a failure, reportedly calling it a "crock [of shit] as literature" and never actively sought publication of the book.[25]
In 1944, Kerouac was arrested as a material witness in the murder of David Kammerer, who had been stalking Kerouac's friend Lucien Carr since Carr was a teenager in St. Louis. William Burroughs was a native of St. Louis, and it was through Carr that Kerouac came to know both Burroughs and Allen Ginsberg. According to Carr, Kammerer's obsession with Carr turned aggressive, causing Carr to stab him to death in self-defense. After turning to Kerouac for help, together they disposed of evidence. Afterwards, as advised by Burroughs, they turned themselves in to the police. Kerouac's father refused to pay his bail. Kerouac then agreed to marry Edie Parker if she'd pay the bail. Their marriage was annulled a year later, and Kerouac and Burroughs briefly collaborated on a novel about the Kammerer killing titled And the Hippos Were Boiled in Their Tanks. Though the book was not published during the lifetimes of either Kerouac or Burroughs, an excerpt eventually appeared in Word Virus: A William S. Burroughs Reader (and as noted below, the novel was finally published late 2008). Kerouac also later wrote about the killing in his novel Vanity of Duluoz.
Later, he lived with his parents in the Ozone Park neighborhood of Queens, after they also moved to New York. He wrote his first published novel, The Town and the City, and began the famous On the Road around 1949 while living there.[26] His friends jokingly called him "The Wizard of Ozone Park," alluding to Thomas Edison's nickname, "the Wizard of Menlo Park" and to the film The Wizard of Oz.[27]

Early career: 1950–1957

Jack Kerouac lived with his parents for a time above a corner drug store in Ozone Park (now this flower shop),[28] while writing some of his earliest work.
The Town and the City was published in 1950 under the name "John Kerouac" and, though it earned him a few respectable reviews, the book sold poorly. Heavily influenced by Kerouac's reading of Thomas Wolfe, it reflects on the generational epic formula and the contrasts of small town life versus the multi-dimensional, and larger life of the city. The book was heavily edited by Robert Giroux, with around 400 pages taken out.
For the next six years, Kerouac continued to write regularly. Building upon previous drafts tentatively titled "The Beat Generation" and "Gone on the Road," Kerouac completed what is now known as On the Road in April 1951, while living at 454 West 20th Street in Manhattan with his second wife, Joan Haverty.[29] The book was largely autobiographical and describes Kerouac's road-trip adventures across the United States and Mexico with Neal Cassady in the late-40s, as well as his relationships with other Beat writers and friends. He completed the first version of the novel during a three-week extended session of spontaneous confessional prose. Kerouac wrote the final draft in 20 days, with Joan, his wife, supplying him bowls of pea soup and mugs of coffee to keep him going.[30] Before beginning, Kerouac cut sheets of tracing paper[31] into long strips, wide enough for a type-writer, and taped them together into a 120-foot (37 m) long roll he then fed into the machine. This allowed him to type continuously without the interruption of reloading pages. The resulting manuscript contained no chapter or paragraph breaks and was much more explicit than what would eventually be printed. Though "spontaneous," Kerouac had prepared long in advance before beginning to write.[32] In fact, according to his Columbia professor and mentor Mark Van Doren, he had outlined much of the work in his journals over the several preceding years.
Though the work was completed quickly, Kerouac had a long and difficult time finding a publisher. Before On the Road was accepted by Viking Press, Kerouac got a job as a "railroad brakesman and fire lookout" traveling between the East and West coasts of America to collect money, so he could live with his mother. While employed in this way he met and befriended Abe Green, a young freight train jumper who later introduced Kerouac to his friend Herbert Huncke, a street hustler and favorite of many Beat Generation writers. During this period of travel, Kerouac wrote what he considered to be "his life's work", "The Legend of Duluoz".[33]
Publishers rejected On the Road because of its experimental writing style and its sympathetic tone towards minorities and marginalized social groups of post-War America. Many editors were also uncomfortable with the idea of publishing a book that contained what were, for the era, graphic descriptions of drug use and homosexual behavior—a move that could result in obscenity charges being filed, a fate that later befell Burroughs' Naked Lunch and Ginsberg's Howl.
According to Kerouac, On the Road "was really a story about two Catholic buddies roaming the country in search of God. And we found him. I found him in the sky, in Market Street San Francisco (those 2 visions), and Dean (Neal) had God sweating out of his forehead all the way. THERE IS NO OTHER WAY OUT FOR THE HOLY MAN: HE MUST SWEAT FOR GOD. And once he has found Him, the Godhood of God is forever Established and really must not be spoken about."[13] According to his authorized biographer, historian Douglas Brinkley, On the Road has been misinterpreted as a tale of companions out looking for kicks, but the most important thing to comprehend is that Kerouac was an American Catholic author – for example, virtually every page of his diary bore a sketch of a crucifix, a prayer, or an appeal to Christ to be forgiven.[34]
In late 1951, Joan Haverty left and divorced Kerouac while pregnant. In February 1952, she gave birth to Kerouac's only child, Jan Kerouac, though he refused to acknowledge her as his own until a blood test confirmed it 9 years later.[35] For the next several years Kerouac continued writing and traveling, taking extensive trips throughout the U.S. and Mexico and often fell into bouts of depression and heavy drug and alcohol use. During this period he finished drafts for what would become 10 more novels, including The Subterraneans, Doctor Sax, Tristessa, and Desolation Angels, which chronicle many of the events of these years.
In 1954, Kerouac discovered Dwight Goddard's A Buddhist Bible at the San Jose Library, which marked the beginning of his immersion into Buddhism. However, Kerouac had taken an interest in Eastern thought in 1946 when he read Heinrich Zimmer's Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization. Kerouac's stance on eastern texts then differed from when he took it up again in the early to mid-1950s. In 1955 Kerouac wrote a biography of Siddhartha Gautama, titled Wake Up, which was unpublished during his lifetime but eventually serialised in Tricycle: The Buddhist Review, 1993–95. It was published by Viking in September 2008.[36]
House in Orlando, Florida where Kerouac lived and wrote The Dharma Bums
Politically, Kerouac found enemies on both sides of the spectrum, the right disdaining his association with drugs and sexual libertinism and the left contemptuous of his anti-communism and Catholicism; characteristically he watched the 1954 Senate McCarthy hearings smoking cannabis and rooting for the anti-communist crusader, Senator Joe McCarthy.[13] In Desolation Angels he wrote, "when I went to Columbia all they tried to teach us was Marx, as if I cared" (considering Marxism, like Freudianism, to be an illusory tangent).[37]
In 1957, after being rejected by several other firms, On the Road was finally purchased by Viking Press, which demanded major revisions prior to publication.[32] Many of the more sexually explicit passages were removed and, fearing libel suits, pseudonyms were used for the book's "characters". These revisions have often led to criticisms of the alleged spontaneity of Kerouac's style.[31]

Later career: 1957–1969

In July 1957, Kerouac moved to a small house at 1418½ Clouser Avenue in the College Park section of Orlando, Florida, to await the release of On the Road. Weeks later, a review of the book by Gilbert Millstein appeared in The New York Times proclaiming Kerouac the voice of a new generation.[38] Kerouac was hailed as a major American writer. His friendship with Allen Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs and Gregory Corso, among others, became a notorious representation of the Beat Generation. The term “Beat Generation” was invented by Kerouac during a conversation held with fellow novelist Herbert Huncke. Huncke used the term "beat" to describe a person with little money and few prospects. "I'm beat to my socks", he had said. Kerouac's fame came as an unmanageable surge that would ultimately be his undoing.
Kerouac's novel is often described as the defining work of the post-World War II Beat Generation and Kerouac came to be called "the king of the beat generation,"[39] a term that he never felt comfortable with. He once observed, "I'm not a beatnik, I'm a Catholic", showing the reporter a painting of Pope Paul VI and saying, "You know who painted that? Me."[40]
The success of On the Road brought Kerouac instant fame. His celebrity status brought publishers desiring unwanted manuscripts which were previously rejected before its publication.[14] After nine months, he no longer felt safe in public. He was badly beaten by three men outside the San Remo Bar at 189 Bleecker Street in New York City one night. Neal Cassady, possibly as a result of his new notoriety as the central character of the book, was set up and arrested for selling marijuana.[41][42]
In response, Kerouac chronicled parts of his own experience with Buddhism, as well as some of his adventures with Gary Snyder and other San Francisco-area poets, in The Dharma Bums, set in California and Washington and published in 1958. It was written in Orlando between November 26[43] and December 7, 1957.[44] To begin writing Dharma Bums, Kerouac typed onto a ten-foot length of teleprinter paper, to avoid interrupting his flow for paper changes, as he had done six years previously for On the Road.[43]
Kerouac was demoralized by criticism of Dharma Bums from such respected figures in the American field of Buddhism as Zen teachers Ruth Fuller Sasaki and Alan Watts. He wrote to Snyder, referring to a meeting with D. T. Suzuki, that "even Suzuki was looking at me through slitted eyes as though I was a monstrous imposter." He passed up the opportunity to reunite with Snyder in California, and explained to Philip Whalen, "I'd be ashamed to confront you and Gary now I've become so decadent and drunk and don't give a shit. I'm not a Buddhist any more."[45] In further reaction to their criticism, he quoted part of Abe Green's cafe recitation, Thrasonical Yawning in the Abattoir of the Soul.
"A gaping, rabid congregation, eager to bathe, are washed over by the Font of Euphoria, and bask like protozoans in the celebrated light."
Many consider that this clearly indicated Kerouac's journey on an emotional roller coaster of unprecedented adulation and spiritual demoralization.
Kerouac also wrote and narrated a "Beat" movie titled Pull My Daisy (1959), directed by Robert Frank and Alfred Leslie. Originally to be called The Beat Generation, the title was changed at the last moment when MGM released a film by the same name in July 1959 which sensationalized "beatnik" culture.
The CBS Television series Route 66 (1960–64), featuring two untethered young men "on the road" in a Corvette seeking adventure and fueling their travels by apparently plentiful temporary jobs in the various U.S. locales framing the anthology styled stories, gave the impression of being a commercially sanitized misappropriation of Kerouac's "On The Road" story model. Even the leads, Buz and Todd, bore a resemblance to the dark, athletic Kerouac and the blonde Cassady/Moriarty, respectively. Kerouac felt he'd been conspicuously ripped off by Route 66 creator Stirling Silliphant and sought to sue him, CBS, the Screen Gems TV production company, and sponsor Chevrolet, but was somehow counseled against proceeding with what looked like a very potent cause of action.
John Antonelli's 1985 documentary Kerouac, the Movie begins and ends with footage of Kerouac reading from On the Road and Visions of Cody on Tonight Starring Steve Allen in 1957. Kerouac appears intelligent but shy. "Are you nervous?" asks Steve Allen. "Naw," says Kerouac, sweating[citation needed] and fidgeting.
Kerouac developed something of a friendship with the scholar Alan Watts (renamed Dave Wayne in Kerouac's novel Big Sur, and Alex Aums in Desolation Angels). Kerouac moved to Northport, New York in March 1958, six months after releasing On the Road, to care for his aging mother Gabrielle and to hide from his newfound celebrity status.[citation needed]
In the following years, Kerouac suffered the loss of his older sister to a heart attack in 1964 and his mother suffered a paralyzing stroke in 1966. In 1968, Neal Cassady also died while in Mexico.[46]
Also in 1968, he appeared on the television show Firing Line produced and hosted by William F. Buckley. The visibly drunk Kerouac talked about the 1960s counterculture in what would be his last appearance on television.[47]

Death

On October 20, 1969, around 11 in the morning, Kerouac was sitting in his favorite chair, drinking whiskey and malt liquor, trying to scribble notes for a book about his father's print shop in Lowell, Mass. He suddenly felt sick to his stomach, which was nothing unusual, and headed for the bathroom. He began to throw up large amounts of blood, and yelled to his wife, "Stella, I'm bleeding." Eventually he was persuaded to go to the hospital and was taken by ambulance to St. Anthony's in St. Petersburg. Blood continued to pour from his mouth and he underwent several transfusions. That evening he underwent surgery in an attempt to tie off all the burst blood vessels, but his damaged liver prevented his blood from clotting. Kerouac died at 5:15 the following morning, October 21, 1969, never having regained consciousness after the operation.[citation needed]
His death, at the age of 47, was determined to be due to an internal hemorrhage (bleeding esophageal varices) caused by cirrhosis, the result of a lifetime of heavy drinking, along with complications from an untreated hernia and a bar fight he had been involved in several weeks prior to his death.[48][49][50] Kerouac is buried at Edson Cemetery in his hometown of Lowell and was honored posthumously with a Doctor of Letters degree from his hometown University of Massachusetts Lowell on June 2, 2007.
At the time of his death, he was living with his third wife, Stella Sampas Kerouac, and his mother, Gabrielle. Kerouac's mother inherited most of his estate and when she died in 1973, Stella inherited the rights to his works under a will purportedly signed by Gabrielle. Family members challenged the will and, on July 24, 2009, a judge in Pinellas County, Florida ruled that the will of Gabrielle Kerouac was fake, citing that Gabrielle Kerouac would not have been physically capable of providing her own signature on the date of the signing.[51] However, such ruling had no effect on the copyright ownership of Jack's literary works, since in 2004 a Florida Probate Court ruled that "any claim against any assets or property which were inherited or received by any of the SAMPAS respondents through the Estate of Stella Sampas Kerouac, Deceased, is barred by reason of the provisions of Florida Statute §733.710(1989)."

Posthumous editions

In 2007, to coincide with the 50th anniversary of On the Road's publishing, Viking issued two new editions: On the Road: The Original Scroll, and On the Road: 50th Anniversary Edition.[52][53] By far the more significant is Scroll, a transcription of the original draft typed as one long paragraph on sheets of tracing paper which Kerouac taped together to form a 120-foot (37 m) scroll. The text is more sexually explicit than Viking allowed to be published in 1957, and also uses the real names of Kerouac's friends rather than the fictional names he later substituted. Indianapolis Colts owner Jim Irsay paid $2.43 million for the original scroll and allowed an exhibition tour that concluded at the end of 2009. The other new issue, 50th Anniversary Edition, is a reissue of the 40th anniversary issue under an updated title.
The Kerouac/Burroughs manuscript, And the Hippos Were Boiled in Their Tanks was published for the first time on November 1, 2008 by Grove Press.[54] Previously, a fragment of the manuscript had been published in the Burroughs compendium, Word Virus.[55]

Works

Style

Kerouac is generally considered to be the father of the Beat movement, although he actively disliked such labels. Kerouac's method was heavily influenced by the prolific explosion of Jazz, especially the Bebop genre established by Charlie Parker, Dizzy Gillespie, Thelonious Monk, and others. Later, Kerouac included ideas he developed from his Buddhist studies that began with Gary Snyder. He often referred to his style as spontaneous prose[citation needed]. Although Kerouac’s prose was spontaneous and purportedly without edits, he primarily wrote autobiographical novels (or Roman à clef) based upon actual events from his life and the people with whom he interacted.
On the Road excerpt in the center of Jack Kerouac Alley
Many of his books exemplified this spontaneous approach, including On the Road, Visions of Cody, Visions of Gerard, Big Sur, and The Subterraneans. The central features of this writing method were the ideas of breath (borrowed from Jazz and from Buddhist meditation breathing), improvising words over the inherent structures of mind and language, and not editing a single word (much of his work was edited by Donald Merriam Allen, a major figure in Beat Generation poetry who edited some of Ginsberg's work as well). Connected with his idea of breath was the elimination of the period, preferring to use a long, connecting dash instead. As such, the phrases occurring between dashes might resemble improvisational jazz licks. When spoken, the words might take on a certain kind of rhythm, though none of it pre-meditated.
Kerouac greatly admired Snyder, many of whose ideas influenced him. The Dharma Bums contains accounts of a mountain climbing trip Kerouac took with Snyder, and also whole paragraphs from letters Snyder had written to Kerouac.[56] While living with Snyder outside Mill Valley, California in 1956, Kerouac worked on a book centering around Snyder, which he considered calling Visions of Gary.[57] (This eventually became Dharma Bums, which Kerouac described as "mostly about [Snyder].")[58] That summer, Kerouac took a job as a fire lookout on Desolation Peak in the North Cascades in Washington, after hearing Snyder's and Whalen's accounts of their own lookout stints. Kerouac described the experience in his novel Desolation Angels.
He would go on for hours, often drunk, to friends and strangers about his method. Allen Ginsberg, initially unimpressed, would later be one of its great proponents, and indeed, he was apparently influenced by Kerouac's free-flowing prose method of writing in the composition of his masterpiece "Howl". It was at about the time that Kerouac wrote The Subterraneans that he was approached by Ginsberg and others to formally explicate his style. Among the writings he set down specifically about his Spontaneous Prose method, the most concise would be Belief and Technique for Modern Prose, a list of 30 "essentials".
The only people for me are the mad ones, the ones who are mad to live, mad to talk, mad to be saved, desirous of everything at the same time, the ones who never yawn or say a commonplace thing, but burn, burn, burn, like fabulous yellow Roman candles exploding like spiders across the stars, and in the middle, you see the blue center-light pop, and everybody goes ahh...
Some believed that at times Kerouac's writing technique did not produce lively or energetic prose. Truman Capote famously said about Kerouac's work, "That's not writing, it's typing".[59] According to Carolyn Cassady, and other people who knew him, he rewrote and rewrote.[citation needed]
Although the body of Kerouac's work has been published in English, recent research has suggested that, aside from already known correspondence and letters written to friends and family, he also wrote unpublished works of fiction in French. A manuscript entitled Sur le Chemin (On the Road) was discovered in 2008 by Québécois journalist Gabriel Anctil.[60] The novella, completed in five days in Mexico during December 1952, is a telling example of Kerouac's attempts at writing in Joual,[61] a dialect typical of the French-Canadian working class of the time. It can be summarized as a form of expression utilizing both old patois and modern French mixed with modern English words (windshield being a modern English expression used casually by some French Canadians even today). Set in 1935, mostly on the American east coast, the short manuscript (50 pages) explores some of the recurring themes of Kerouac's literature by way of a narrative very close to, if not identical to, the spoken word. It tells the story of a group of men who agree to meet in New York, including a 13-year-old Kerouac refers to as "Ti-Jean". Ti-Jean and his father Leo (Kerouac's father's real name) leave Boston by car, traveling to assist friends looking for a place to stay in the city. The story actually follows two cars and their passengers, one driving out of Denver and the other from Boston, until they eventually meet in a dingy bar in New York's Chinatown. In it, Kerouac's "French" is written in a form which has little regard for grammar or spelling, relying often on phonetics in order to render an authentic reproduction of his French-Canadian vernacular. The novel starts: Dans l'mois d'Octobre 1935, y'arriva une machine du West, de Denver, sur le chemin pour New York. Dans la machine était Dean Pomeray, un soûlon; Dean Pomeray Jr., son ti fils de 9 ans et Rolfe Glendiver, son step son, 24. C'était un vieille Model T Ford, toutes les trois avaient leux yeux attachez sur le chemin dans la nuit à travers la windshield.[62] Even though this work shares the same title as one of his best known English novels, it is rather the original French version of a short text that would later become Old bull in the Bowery (also unpublished) once translated to English prose by Kerouac himself. Sur le Chemin is Kerouac's second known French manuscript, the first being La nuit est ma Femme written in early 1951 and completed a few days before he began the original English version of On the Road, as revealed by journalist Gabriel Anctil in the Montreal daily Le Devoir.[63]

Influences

Kerouac's early writing, particularly his first novel The Town and the City, was more conventional, and bore the strong influence of Thomas Wolfe. The technique Kerouac developed that later made him famous was heavily influenced by Jazz, especially Bebop, and later, Buddhism, as well as the famous "Joan Anderson letter" authored by Neal Cassady.[64] The Diamond Sutra was the most important Buddhist text for Kerouac, and "probably one of the three or four most influential things he ever read".[65] In 1955, he began an intensive study of this sutra, in a repeating weekly cycle, devoting one day to each of the six Pāramitās, and the seventh to the concluding passage on Samādhi. This was his sole reading on Desolation Peak, and he hoped by this means to condition his mind to emptiness, and possibly to have a vision.[66]
However, often overlooked[67] but perhaps his greatest literary influence may be that of James Joyce whose work he alludes to, by far, more than any other author.[68] Kerouac had the highest esteem for Joyce, emulated and expanded on his techniques.[68][69] Regarding On the Road, he wrote in a letter to Ginsberg, "I can tell you now as I look back on the flood of language. It is like Ulysses and should be treated with the same gravity."[70] Indeed, Old Angel Midnight has been called "the closest thing to Finnegans Wake in American literature."[69]
In his book Light My Fire: My Life with The Doors, Ray Manzarek (keyboard player of The Doors) wrote "I suppose if Jack Kerouac had never written On the Road, The Doors would never have existed."
In 1974 the Jack Kerouac School of Disembodied Poetics was opened in his honor by Allen Ginsberg and Anne Waldman at Naropa University, a private Buddhist university in Boulder, Colorado. The school offers a BA in Writing and Literature, MFAs in Writing & Poetics and Creative Writing, and a summer writing program.[71]
From 1978 to 1992, Joy Walsh published 28 issues of a magazine devoted to Kerouac, Moody Street Irregulars.
Kerouac's French Canadian origins inspired a 1987 National Film Board of CanadadocudramaJack Kerouac's Road - A Franco-American Odyssey, directed by Acadian poet Herménégilde Chiasson.[72]
In 1987, a song written by Marc Chabot and featured on a popular music album released in Québec by Richard Séguin, song titled L'ange vagabond, explores some aspects of Kerouac's life. Chabot associates Kerouac's incessant mobility to a quest for identity and respect from others, among other topics.
In 1997, the house on Clouser Avenue where The Dharma Bums was written was purchased by a newly formed non-profit group, The Jack Kerouac Writers in Residence Project of Orlando, Inc. This group provides opportunities for aspiring writers to live in the same house in which Kerouac was inspired, with room and board covered for three months.
In 2007, Kerouac was awarded a posthumous honorary degree from the University of Massachusetts Lowell.[73]
In 2009, the movie One Fast Move or I'm Gone - Kerouac's Big Sur was released. It chronicles the time in Kerouac's life that led to his novel Big Sur, with actors, writers, artists, and close friends giving their insight into the book. The movie also describes the people and places on which Kerouac based his characters and settings, including the cabin in Bixby Canyon. An album released to accompany the movie, "One Fast Move or I'm Gone", features Benjamin Gibbard (Death Cab for Cutie) and Jay Farrar (Son Volt) performing songs based on Kerouac's Big Sur.
In 2010, during the first weekend of October, the 25th anniversary of the literary festival "Lowell Celebrates Kerouac" was held in Kerouac's birthplace of Lowell, Massachusetts. It featured walking tours, literary seminars, and musical performances focused on Kerouac's work and that of the Beat Generation.
In the 2010s there has been a surge in films based on the Beat Generation. Kerouac has been depicted in the film Howl and upcoming release Kill Your Darlings. A feature film version of Kerouac's seminal novel On the Road was released internationally in 2012, and is directed by Walter Salles, while being produced by Francis Ford Coppola. Independent filmmaker Michael Polish is directing Big Sur, based on the novel, with Jean-Marc Barr cast as Kerouac. Filming was done in and around Big Sur. The film is set for release in 2013.[74][75]
In 2012, What Happened to Kerouac?, a re-mastered DVD of the acclaimed 1986 documentary, is being rereleased with a feature-length disc of new material from the original interviews. Those extras, called The Beat Goes On, include rare and unseen footage of Abbie Hoffman, Timothy Leary, Paul Krassner, Allen Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs, Gregory Corso, Gary Snyder, Steve Allen, Ann Charters, Michael McClure, Robert Creeley, Herbert Huncke, Carolyn Cassady, Paul Gleason, John Clellon Holmes, Edie Kerouac Parker, Jan Kerouac, William F. Buckley, Jr., and Father Spike Morissette.

Poetry

While he is best known for his novels, Kerouac is also noted for his poetry written during the Beat movement. Kerouac stated that he wanted "to be considered as a jazz poet blowing a long blues in an afternoon jazz session on Sunday.".[76] Many of Kerouac's poems follow the style of his free-flowing, uninhibited prose, also incorporating elements of jazz and Buddhism. "Mexico City Blues" a poem published by Kerouac in 1959 is made up of over 200 choruses following the rhythms of jazz music. In much of his poetry, to achieve a jazz-like rhythm, Kerouac made use of the long dash in place of a period. Several excellent examples of this can be seen throughout "Mexico City Blues":
Everything
Is Ignorant of its own emptiness—
Anger
Doesn't like to be reminded of fits— [77]
Other well-known poems by Kerouac, such as "Bowery Blues" incorporate jazz rhythm with Buddhist themes of Sangsara, the cycle of life and subsequent death, and Samadhi, the concentration of composing the mind.[78] Also, following the jazz/blues tradition Kerouac's poetry features repetition and overall themes of the troubles or sense of loss experienced in life.
The story of man
Makes me sick
Inside, outside,
I don't know why
Something so conditional
And all talk
Should hurt me so.
I am hurt
I am scared
I want to live
I want to die
I don't know
Where to turn
In the Void
And when
To cut
Out[78]

Bibliography

Discography

Studio albums
Compilation albums

References

  1. ^McGrath, Charles. "Another Side of Kerouac: The Dharma Bum as Sports Nut," The New York Times (May 15, 2009). Accessed May 16, 2009.
  2. ^Swartz (1999). The view from On the road: the rhetorical vision of Jack Kerouac. Southern Illinois University Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-8093-2384-5. Retrieved 2010-01-29.Unknown parameter |firsts= ignored (help)
  3. ^Martinez, Manuel Luis (2003), Countering the Counterculture: Rereading Postwar American Dissent from Jack Kerouac to Tomás Rivera, University of Wisconsin Press, p. 26, ISBN 978-0-299-19284-6, "Kerouac appeared to have done an about-face, becoming extraordinarily reactionary and staunchly anticommunist, vocalizing his intense hatred of the 1960s counterculture..."; id. at p. 29 ("Kerouac realized where his basic allegiance lay and vehemently disassociated himself from hippies and revolutionaries and deemed them unpatriotic subversives."); id. at p. 30 ("Kerouac['s]...attempt to play down any perceived responsibility on his part for the hippie generation, whose dangerous activism he found repellent and "delinquent."); id. at p. 111 ("Kerouac saw the hippies as mindless, communistic, rude, unpatriotic and soulless."); Maher, Paul; Amram, David (2007), Kerouac: His Life and Work, Taylor Trade Publications, p. 469, ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-1-58989-366-8|978-1-58989-366-8 [[Category:Articles with invalid ISBNs]]]] Check |isbn= value (help), "In the current political climate, Kerouac wrote, he had nowhere to turn, as he liked neither the hippies...nor the upper-echelon...".
  4. ^ abNicosia, Gerald- Memory Babe: A Critical Biography of Jack Kerouac, 1983.
  5. ^Moore, Dave. "D., 'The Breton Traveller', in Wills, D. (ed.) Beatdom Vol. 4 (Mauling Press: Dundee, 2009)". Beatdom.com. Retrieved 2011-04-23.
  6. ^Patricia Dagier, Jack Kerouac, Breton d'Amérique (Editions Le Télégramme, 2009)
  7. ^Commemorative Plaques Kirouac at genealogie.org
  8. ^Alan M Kent, Celtic Cornwall: Nation, Tradition, Invention. Halsgrove, 2012
  9. ^Michael J. Dittman, Jack Kerouac: A Biography, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004
  10. ^Berrigan, Ted (1968). "The Art of Fiction No. 43: Jack Kerouac, pg. 49" (PDF). The Paris Review. Archived from the original on 2008-05-28. Retrieved 2008-05-14.
  11. ^Dagier, Patricia (2009). Jack Kerouac, Breton d'Amérique. Editions Le Télégramme.
  12. ^Sandison, David. Jack Kerouac. Chicago, Illinois: Chicago Review Press, 1999. Print.
  13. ^ abcdeFellows, Mark The Apocalypse of Jack Kerouac: Meditations on the 30th Anniversary of his Death, Culture Wars Magazine, November 1999
  14. ^ ab"Jack Kerouac - bio and links". Beatmuseum.org. Retrieved 2011-04-23.
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  16. ^=Anctil, Gabriel. "Sur le chemin - Découverte d'un deuxième roman en français de Jack Kerouac".
  17. ^ abcAmburn, Ellis, Subterranean Kerouac: The Hidden Life of Jack Kerouac, p. 13-14 , MacMillan 1999
  18. ^Patrick J. Mogan Cultural Center, University of Massachusetts Lowell. "1930 Black History Census Study, from: A Higher Home: An Exhibit on African-Americans in the Lowell Area during the 20th Century". Retrieved 2008-05-14.
  19. ^Miles 1998, pg. 8
  20. ^Berrigan 1968, pg. 14
  21. ^"Phi Gamma Delta". Wiki CU. Retrieved 19 July 2011.
  22. ^The Beat Generation in New York: A Walking Tour of Jack Kerouac's City. Google Books. Retrieved 23 July 2011.
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  33. ^Charters, Ann. “Jack Kerouac.” American Novelists Since World War II: First Series. Ed. Jeffrey Helterman and Richard Layman. Dictionary of Literary Biography Vol. 2. Literature Resources from Gale. Gale. 8 Nov. 2010.
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  41. ^Suiter 2002, pg. 237
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  43. ^ abSuiter, John (2002). Poets on the Peaks Gary Snyder, Philip Whalen, and Jack Kerouac in the North Cascades. Counterpoint. p. 229. ISBN 1-58243-148-5.
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  47. ^faculty.uml.edu
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  60. ^Anctil, Gabriel (September 4, 2008). "Sur le chemin -Découverte d'un deuxième roman en français de Jack Kerouac". Le Devoir.
  61. ^He refers to it in a letter addressed to Neil Cassady (who is commonly known as his inspiration for the character of Dean Moriarty) written on January 10, 1953
  62. ^Anctil, Gabriel (September 4, 2008). "Sur le chemin - Découverte d'un deuxième roman en français de Jack Kerouac". Le Devoir.
  63. ^Anctil, Gabriel (September 5, 2007). "Les 50 ans d'On the Road - Kerouac voulait écrire en français". Le Devoir. Retrieved 2008-04-29.
  64. ^Cassady, Neal (1964). The First Third. Underground Press. p. 387. OCLC 42789161.
  65. ^Suiter 2002, pg. 191
  66. ^Suiter 2002, pg. 210
  67. ^To Be An Irishman Too: Kerouac's Irish Connection, p. 371, Studies: an Irish quarterly review, Volume 92, Talbot Press., 2003
  68. ^ abBegnal, Michael, "I Dig Joyce": Jack Kerouac and Finnegans Wake, Philological Quarterly, Spring 1998
  69. ^ abHemmer, Kurt, Encyclopedia of Beat Literature, p. 244, Infobase Publishing, 2007
  70. ^Kerouac, Jack and Allen Ginsberg, Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg: The Letters, Penguin, 2010
  71. ^"The Jack Kerouac School of Disembodied Poetics". Naropa University. Retrieved 2008-05-10.
  72. ^Lawlor, William (20 May 2005). Beat Culture: Lifestyles, Icons, and Impact. ABC-CLIO. p. 109. ISBN 978-1-85109-400-4.
  73. ^"UMass Lowell Honors Jack Kerouac, U.S. Rep. John Lewis". University of Massachusetts. May 23, 2007. Retrieved 2008-04-29.
  74. ^Brooks, Xan (2011-04-18). "Jack Kerouac's Big Sur heads to the big screen". The Guardian (London).
  75. ^Silver Screen Sur | MontereyCountyWeekly.com
  76. ^[Jack Kerouac, http://www.poets.org/poet.php/prmPID/1016, The Academy of American Poets]
  77. ^["Mexico City Blues: 113th Chorus" http://www.poets.org/viewmedia.php/prmMID/21799]
  78. ^ ab["Bowery Blues" http://www.poemhunter.com/poem/bowery-blues-2/]

Further reading

  • Amburm, Ellis. Subterranean Kerouac: The Hidden Life of Jack Kerouac. St. Martin's Press, 1999. ISBN 0-312-20677-1
  • Amram, David. Offbeat: Collaborating with Kerouac. Thunder's Mouth Press, 2002.ISBN 1-56025-362-2
  • Bartlett, Lee (ed.) The Beats: Essays in Criticism. London: McFarland, 1981.
  • Beaulieu, Victor-Lévy. Jack Kerouac: A Chicken Essay. Coach House Press, 1975.
  • Brooks, Ken. The Jack Kerouac Digest. Agenda, 2001.
  • Cassady, Carolyn. Neal Cassady Collected Letters, 1944-1967. Penguin, 2004. ISBN 0-14-200217-8
  • Cassady, Carolyn. Off the Road: Twenty Years with Cassady, Kerouac and Ginsberg. Black Spring Press, 1990.
  • Challis, Chris. Quest for Kerouac. Faber & Faber, 1984.
  • Charters, Ann. Kerouac. San Francisco: Straight Arrow Books, 1973.
  • Charters, Ann (ed.) The Portable Beat Reader. New York: Penguin, 1992.
  • Charters, Ann (ed.) The Portable Jack Kerouac. New York: Penguin, 1995.
  • Christy, Jim. The Long Slow Death of Jack Kerouac. ECW Press, 1998.
  • Clark, Tom. Jack Kerouac. Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1984.
  • Coolidge, Clark. Now It's Jazz: Writings on Kerouac & the Sounds. Living Batch, 1999.
  • Collins, Ronald & Skover, David. Mania: The Story of the Outraged & Outrageous Lives that Launched a Cultural Revolution (Top-Five Books, March 2013)
  • Cook, Bruce. The Beat Generation. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971. ISBN 0-684-12371-1
  • Dagier, Patricia; Quéméner, Hervé. Jack Kerouac: Au Bout de la Route ... La Bretagne. An Here, 1999.
  • Dagier, Patricia ; Quéméner Hervé. Jack Kerouac, Breton d'Amérique. Editions Le Télégramme, 2009.
  • Dale, Rick. The Beat Handbook: 100 Days of Kerouactions. Booksurge, 2008.
  • Edington, Stephen. Kerouac's Nashua Roots. Transition, 1999.
  • Ellis, R.J., Liar! Liar! Jack Kerouac - Novelist. Greenwich Exchange, 1999.
  • French, Warren. Jack Kerouac. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1986.
  • Gaffié, Luc. Jack Kerouac: The New Picaroon. Postillion Press, 1975.
  • Giamo, Ben. "Kerouac, The Word and The Way". Southern Illinois University Press, 2000.
  • Gifford, Barry. "Kerouac's Town". Creative Arts, 1977.
  • Gifford, Barry; Lee, Lawrence. "Jack's Book: An Oral Biography of Jack Kerouac". St. Martin's Press, 1978. ISBN 0-14-005269-0
  • Grace, Nancy M. Jack Kerouac and the Literary Imagination. Palgrave-macmillan, 2007.
  • Goldstein, N.W., "Kerouac's On the Road." Explicator 50.1. 1991.
  • Haynes, Sarah, "An Exploration of Jack Kerouac's Buddhism:Text and Life"
  • Hemmer, Kurt. Encyclopedia of Beat Literature: The Essential Guide to the Lives and Works of the Beat Writers. Facts on File, Inc., 2007.
  • Hipkiss, Robert A., Jack Kerouac: Prophet of the New Romanticism. Regents Press, 1976.
  • Holmes, John Clellon. Visitor: Jack Kerouac in Old Saybrook. tuvoti, 1981.
  • Holmes, John Clellon. Gone In October: Last Reflections on Jack Kerouac. Limberlost, 1985.
  • Holton, Robert. On the Road: Kerouac's Ragged American Journey. Twayne, 1999.
  • Hrebeniak, Michael. Action Writing: Jack Kerouac"s Wild Form. Carbondale IL., Southern Illinois UP, 2006.
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  • Johnson, Ronna C., "You're Putting Me On: Jack Kerouac and the Postmodern Emergence". College Literature. 27.1 2000.
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  • Jones, James T., Jack Kerouac's Duluoz Legend. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.
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  • Kerouac, Joan Haverty. Nobody's Wife: The Smart Aleck and the King of the Beats. Creative Arts, 2000.
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  • Maher, Paul, Jr. We Know Time: The Literary Cosmos of Jack Kerouac (unpublished work-in-progress)
  • McNally, Dennis. Desolate Angel: Jack Kerouac, the Beat Generation, and America. Da Capo Press, 2003. ISBN 0-306-81222-3
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External links



kay narubhau, kaskay?

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Jewellers turn to diamonds, NRIs to beat policy woes

Gold
Gold forms an essential part of a bride's trousseau in India, the world's top consumer of the metal, where it is also considered auspicious for religious rituals.
MUMBAI: Jewellers in India are banking on a growing appetite for diamonds in the country and resilient demand for gold among its non-residents to offset a slowdown caused by a government clampdown on imports of the precious metal.

Leading jewellers such as Titan Industries and Gitanjali Gems are aggressively promoting diamond jewellery, which uses less gold, and opening more stores in cities such as Singapore and Dubai in an effort to spur sales.

The moves could help create alternative demand sources for the battered yellow metal in the medium term and help somewhat cushion price declines.

"We are moving to diamond jewellery more aggressively, introducing lower-carat jewellery and also pushing silver jewellery," Mehul Choksi, chairman and managing director of Gitanjali Gems, said.

Gold forms an essential part of a bride's trousseau in India, the world's top consumer of the metal, where it is also considered auspicious for religious rituals. But its imports have contributed to a burgeoning current account deficit.

As a result, India has since May raised gold import duties and tightened credit availability for importers of the precious metal.

After data showed Indians imported a record 162 tonnes of gold in May, jewellers joined a government campaign to cut gold buying.

That, and a weakening rupee, are inflicting pain on jewellers, which they are now seeking to lessen by focusing on new areas.

"Jewellers are thinking of introducing 14-carat jewellery. Low-carat jewellery will help us to control imports as well," said Haresh Soni, chairman of the All India Gems and Jewellery Trade Federation, which groups more than 40,000 members.

Jewellers mix metals like silver and copper to reduce the purity of the yellow metal. Diamond jewellery uses 20-25 percent less gold compared to a normal 22-carat jewellery piece, according to Choksi of Gitanjali Gems.

Diamond jewellery sales are increasing, said Kamal Gupta, director at PP Jewellers in New Delhi, adding rising income of the lower middle-class pushes a switch from gold to diamond.

Demand for the lower-carat jewellery is seen coming mainly from younger consumers, who unlike earlier generations, are not fastidious about buying a 22-carat gold necklace.

Following the government's measures, gold imports by the world's top metal importer in June may be just 37-40 tonnes against a monthly average of 70 tonnes, according to the trade federation's Soni. And imports in July-December may decline by 20-25 percent compared to the first half of this year, he said.

Anticipating further restrictions at home, some jewellers plan to increase their overseas presence to boost sales, especially to non-resident Indians (NRIs).

"For those who are in the jewellery business, Middle East countries are very attractive now," said Gupta from PP Jewellers. The company is currently "working on" opening stores in Dubai and Singapore, according to Gupta.

Gitanjali plans to open more stores overseas in the United States, Middle East, China and Japan, and expects to increase sales by 50 percent from its international operations over the next 18 months.


Readers' opinions (5)

saif (Hyderabad)3 mins ago
I am allways perplex when comes to understanding up n down of gold rates in India
imalexei(rakkot)
40 Followers
28 mins ago
Silver: 4820
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Jewellers in India are banking on a growing appetite for diamonds in the country and resilient demand for gold among its non-residents to offset a slowdown caused by a government clampdown on imports of the precious metal.
umesh derebail(Mangalore)
64 Followers
28 mins ago
Gold: 18.1K
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Demand for silver is going to go up guys, because silver and dimond is a great combo, stock up silver, now it is turn of silver to move up. Gold too will move up after a steep crash. It should come below 16 k level only than strong demand will pick up for gold
VoxPop(Peaceful World)
66 Followers
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Gold: 20.8K
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Diamonds are stable and a better bet.
khurram(Mughal Dilli)
7 Followers
1 hr ago
Silver: 2744
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Bani Gujju Modi only want progress for Bani of Gujart. If he become PM he will take all money from other states and put into Gujarat and then say Gujarat is No 1 state in India.

Sid Harth (USA)
COMMODITIES July 5, 2013, 8:58 a.m. ET India's Gold, Silver Imports Fall Decline to help government check current-account deficit By RAJESH ROY NEW DELHI—India's gold and silver imports in June fell 70% from the previous month following steps taken by the central bank and the federal government to curb demand, a senior government official said Friday. India, the world's biggest gold consumer, is estimated to have imported $2.5 billion of gold and silver in June, compared with $8.4 billion of imports in May, said the official, who didn't want to be named. The official didn't give separate figures for gold and silver. Usually, gold accounts for most of India's imports of precious metals. The decline in imports will provide much-needed relief to the government, which is struggling to check a rising current-account deficit due to sustained demand for gold. India's current-account deficit was 4.8% of gross domestic product in the financial year ended March 31, up from 4.2% a year earlier. The wide deficit has also been a cause of concern for foreign investors, who pulled $7 billion from Indian stocks and bonds in June, weakening the local currency which last week fell to an all-time low of 60.75 rupees to the dollar. India has been taking steps to reduce gold imports, most recently by increasing the import tax on the yellow metal to 8% from 6%. The Reserve Bank of India has restricted banks and trading agencies from importing gold on deferred payment, effectively requiring dealers to pay cash in advance for imports. A price slump in mid-April combined with peak wedding-season demand fueled gold purchases during April and May. Imports of gold and silver rose 109% from a year earlier to $15.88 billion during the two months. ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA)
A selection of pictures from India this week. Slideshow A customer looks at a gold pendent inside a jewellery showroom in Mumbai June 4, 2013. REUTERS/Danish Siddiqui/Files MUMBAI | Thu Jul 4, 2013 5:04pm IST (Reuters) - Gold demand in India, the world's biggest buyer of the metal, remained weak on Thursday even as prices eased from their highest level in a week. * The Reserve Bank of India has banned banks, along with state-run and private trading agencies, from importing gold on a consignment or payment of margin basis, making it difficult for small jewellers to source supplies on cash payment. The government also raised the import duty on gold to 8 percent. * "There is no demand at all and there are no supplies," said Ashok Jain, partner at Mumbai-based wholesaler Chenaji Narsinghji Bullion. * Gold prices eased from their highest level in a week, tracking global leads and a firm rupee back home. * Gold for August delivery on the Multi Commodity Exchange was 0.44 percent lower at 26,180 rupees per 10 grams at 1110 GMT, after hitting a high of 26,430 rupees, a level last seen on June 26. * "Prices are expected to remain steady between 25,000 and 27,000," said Jain. * Silver for July delivery on MCX was 1.01 percent lower at 41,111 rupees per kilogram. * The following were the prices of gold and silver in rupees as of 16.15 p.m. local time in the spot market, quoted by Corporation Bank: Thursday Wednesday (Reporting by Siddesh Mayenkar; Editing by Anupama Dwivedi) ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA)
The Wall Street Journal Updated June 6, 2013, 7:18 a.m. ET India Move to Douse Gold Demand Unlikely to Succeed By BIMAN MUKHERJI NEW DELHI—India's decision to raise the import tax on gold for the third time in 18 months is unlikely to help the government narrow a widening trade deficit and may only drive trade to illegal channels, traders and analysts said Thursday. Danish Siddiqui/Reuters An employee poses with gold biscuits inside a jewelry showroom in Mumbai, Tuesday. The government late Wednesday increased the import tax on refined gold to 8% from 6% and on gold ore and intermediate products to 7% from 5%. The tax hikes are meant to reduce demand for imported gold, which has worsened India's trade deficit and pushed the rupee this month to the verge of all-time lows against the U.S. dollar. Related India Increases Import Tax on Gold The latest tax increase followed a surge in demand since mid-April, as the international price of gold fell to a two-year low. Global investors have moved out of gold amid diminished worries about inflation and rising global stock markets. Gold is typically seen as a hedge against inflation. But in India the price decline spurred demand from consumers ahead of the peak wedding season and the festival of Akshaya Trithiya, considered one of the most auspicious occasions for buying gold. Finance Minister P. Chidambaram told a banking conference in Mumbai that the government had no other option but to take "strong measures." "How is this sustainable? How can we finance the gold imports?" he said. India is the world's largest net importer of physical gold, which is popular for wedding gifts and as a store of savings for rural dwellers who have no access to banks and fear inflation will wipe out savings held in paper currency. Amid weak prices, an increase of the import tax by two percentage points is unlikely to have much of a dousing effect on demand, said Gnanasekhar Thiagarajan, director of Commtrendz Risk Management, an India-based consultancy. "It will have a very limited impact," he said. The move "won't deter buying on festival occasions or when prices fall." Mohit Kamboj, president of the Bombay Bullion Association, said the tax increase could spur more gold smuggling as importers try to avoid the new levies, which would reduce government revenues. Gold will be 10% more expensive in India than in the international market after the latest tax increase, said Pankaj Parekh, vice chairman of the Gem and Jewelry Export Promotion Council. An Indian finance ministry official acknowledged that there was a possibility of a rise in smuggling: "We are aware of this and trying to plug the loopholes." The government had increased the import tax to 6% from 2% over the past year and a half to make local purchases costlier. But these moves have been blunted by the decline in the global price of gold.
Sid Harth (USA)
In the past, Indian consumers haven't been deterred from buying even as prices rose sharply, because of gold's important role in religious ceremonies and marriages and as a store of wealth, Mr. Thiagarajan said. "Prices of Indian spot gold have risen by almost 500% in the last one decade," he said, while demand also has increased. The import tax would have to rise to 20% to have an effect, he added. He said the government had likely erred in its timing of the import-tax increase because gold demand usually slows between July and September, during which farmers look to invest surplus cash to buy seed during the monsoon sowing period, meaning there is less money available for gold purchases. About 70% of India's gold demand comes from rural areas. Gold buying is expected to pick up from October, after the harvest, particularly as India's monsoon rains are forecast to be abundant this year, which should boost crop yields and farmers' incomes. The latest tax increase had little impact on shares in jewelry makers Thursday. Gitanjali Gems Ltd. rose 1.2%, PC Jeweller Ltd. gained 3.2%, and Titan Industries Ltd. slipped 0.6%. Industry officials said the tax hike would only make it costlier to import gold, affecting thousands of small cash-strapped jewelers. "Our members will meet either today or tomorrow and then will decide on the plan of action," said Haresh Soni, chairman of the All India Gems & Jewellery Trade Federation. Jewelers went on a 20-day nationwide strike in March last year after the government doubled the import tax to 4% and imposed a factory-gate tax on gold jewelry. They resumed business only after the government scrapped the factory-gate tax, a tax charged in a finished product. Mr Soni said that the government should not try to cut down all gold imports because the bulk of the precious metal is used for making jewelry, which employs millions of poor artisans. Instead, the government could block sales of gold coins that are bought by speculative investors and account for about a third of the precious metal's consumption, he said. Finance Minister Chidambaram said he had directed banks not to encourage the sale of gold coins. —Rajesh Roy, Debiprasad Nayak and Nupur Acharya contributed to this article. Write to Biman Mukherji at biman. Copyright 2012 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved
Sid Harth (USA)
Taxes Won’t Put a Dent in Indian Gold Demand Jason Farrellby Jason Farrell.Posted Jun 14, 2013. Gold demand will not be stopped… no matter how badly governments wish it. Indian officials are claiming victory after raising the gold import tax from 6% to 8%. The move was supposed to curb India’s demand for gold, strengthen the rupee and shrink the trade deficit. Daily gold imports fell from $135 million to $36 million in May, an impressive drop in so short a time span. Indian officials are already about bragging their supposed victory. “With the steps that the government has taken,” crowed Raghuram Rajan, India’s chief economic adviser, “we will see a significant drop in gold imports in June.” Rajan somehow missed that gold demand in India naturally drops this time of year. Indians tend to spend their money on farming in the summer. Bachhraj Bamalwa, former president of the All India Gem and Jewelry Trade Federation, predicted “imports will jump again in the third quarter.” Traders have said that the move won’t put a dent in gold demand, according to a Wall Street Journal blog; gold is far too popular. “On one side, they are trying to curtail the demand,” Bamalwa explained, “but on the other side, government agencies… and banks are selling gold coins.” Source: Daily Reckoning ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA)
FOCUS: Indian Gold Demand Expected To Drop From Weak Rupee, Higher Tariffs, Import Restrictions By Kitco, June 14, 2013, 02:43:00 AM EDT Vote up Friday June 14, 2013 2:17 PM (Kitco News) - The Indian government and the Reserve Bank of India are not expected to announce any new initiatives to curb gold demand; however, the government continues to dissuade citizens from buying the yellow metal. At a news conference on Thursday, Indian Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram said that it was wrong to assume that gold was the safest investment and that he was happy his appeals are being heard. Chidambaram added that he hopes demand remains low so the country doesn't have to import gold for a year. The government and the central bank have been targeting gold imports as a way to lower the country's massive current-account deficit. Although earlier in the week the government said it wouldn't introduce any new measures to halt gold imports, Chidambaram left the door open for further moves. "I hiked the duty a few days ago. I don't want to become unpopular. We will see," he said. Along with the central bank's restrictions on gold imports and the government's tariff increase to 8% from 6%, consumers will have to face another hurdle - a significantly weaker rupee. The country's weakening currency is expected to continue to dampen Indian demand for gold. The rupee weakened earlier this week to 58.978 rupees to the U.S. dollar, which some analysts say is an all-time high for the greenback against the Indian currency. The rupee has since recovered some of its losses to 57.618 as of 2:15 p.m. EDT, although it remains several rupees weaker than 53.70 as of May 1. Neil Mellor, currency strategist at the Bank of New York Mellon, said that he expects the rupee to continue to decline. He added the country's current-account deficit and weakening economy does not provide great prospects for the currency. "It's the worst-performing currency in the EM world," he said. Rich Ilczyszyn, senior market analyst at iiTrader.com, said the weak demand outlook in India adds to the bearish case for gold; however, he pointed out that demand for gold will always be relatively strong in India and China. "The week rupee makes it's a little bit more difficult but I don't think it will stop people from buying gold," he said. Although physical demand has played an important role in the maintaining gold prices, Ilczyszyn said that its impact will lessen over time. Even if Indian demand remains strong, he said that investor demand will be the most important factor if prices are going to break their current downtrend. "Right now I think gold is stuck between a rock and a hard place and I don't see prices going up in the short term," he said. The RBI will meet on Monday to discuss its monetary policy. Although inflation has fallen below the bank's target of 5%, analysts are not expecting a cut in interest rates because of the significant drop in the rupee.
Sid Harth (USA)
The RBI will meet on Monday to discuss its monetary policy. Although inflation has fallen below the bank's target of 5%, analysts are not expecting a cut in interest rates because of the significant drop in the rupee. "Because of the weak currency, the central bank won't be able to cut rates and they won't be able to stimulate the economy," said Mellor. Read the latest news in gold and precious metals markets at Kitco News. By Neils Christensen, with contributions from Allen Sykora of Kitco News The views and opinions expressed herein are the views and opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The NASDAQ OMX Group, Inc. Benzinga Market Wrap for July 5: Stocks, Oil, U.S. Dollar Jump in Wake of Strong Payrolls Report; Treasuries and Precious Metals Plunge 7/05/2013 04:36 PM Minyanville Is Gold Going to Fight This New Down Leg? 7/05/2013 03:00 PM Benzinga Benzinga Market Primer: Friday, July 5: Non-Farm Payrolls Edition 7/05/2013 07:22 AM Highest Rated Articles of the Last Week With Focus on Interest Rates, Equity Markets See Pull-Back Is The Thirty Year Bull Market in Bonds Really Over This Time? Market Rally Continues, Following Updated GDP Figure Rio Retains Diamonds Business - Analyst Blog Most Active by Volume: Company Last Sale Change Net / % BAC $ 13.06 0.23 1.79% SIRI $ 3.38 0.09 2.59% DELL $ 13.03 0.28 2.10% F $ 16.70 0.27 1.64% PBR $ 12.25 0.80 6.13% S $ 7.16 0.03 0.42% PFE $ 27.97 0.32 1.16% ZNGA $ 3.43 0.01 0.29% SOURCE: NASDAQ ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA)
Weddings could help boost Chinese gold demand past India Chinese weddings are turning out to be a multi-billion dollar business for the gold industry, while India looks to set to levy a commodities transaction tax on futures contracts on gold from July 1. Author: Shivom Seth Posted: Saturday , 22 Jun 2013 MUMBAI (MINEWEB) - With India's apex bank stating there is `ample available evidence' to suggest a moderation in gold imports appears to be underway in June, a new buyer has stepped in to snap up gold. China is set to overtake India as the precious metal’s biggest consumer, following the many restrictions plaguing Indian consumers. With some 6.6 million brides in China set to receive gold at their weddings this year, weddings are turning out to be a multi-billion dollar business in China, for the gold industry. "Some 10 million weddings take place every year in China. July has 14 auspicious marriage days for Chinese couples, all in one month alone,'' said Manoj Khota, bullion trader, who caters to several Chinese citizens who live in Kolkata and Mumbai. Stating that Chinese brides tend to go for gold and that most grooms shell out a bride-price and "then have to hand over several kilos of gold to get the bride to say yes,'' Khota said, ``The bride will also bring in a dowry from her parent's side, which mostly constitutes gold ingots and gold jewellery.'' With heavy gold ornaments the norm at almost all marriages, China could well surge past India in its gold consumption given the latter's many policy curbs. The China Gold Association has said total demand in 2013 could be near 900 to 1,000 tonnes in China, surpassing demand from India. A top official told Bloomberg that some of the jewellery demand earmarked for festivals or weddings later in the year could have been brought ahead to April and May to take in the slide in gold prices.
Sid Harth (USA)
Gold demand in China, the world's largest consumer after India, has seen ``more than an uptick'' after surging in April, with consumers lining outside jewellery outlets at odd-hours of the day to take advantage of the price drop, say analysts. "Bullion fell over 20% this year in the global market, though it has not had that much of a dramatic impact in India with the rupee constraints,'' said Sandeep Asher, bullion analyst with a foreign brokerage house in Mumbai. He added that the ``Chinese people appear to be buying up gold bars by the dozen, since they are easy to trade. In the first four months of 2013, till April, consumption in China has already soared to 456.2 tonnes, which is an indication of the immense appetite.'' In the first three months of 2013, sales of gold bars surged 49% to 120.39 tonnes. Gold jewellery too jumped 16% to 178.59 tonnes. Though India and China account for more than half of global demand, the world's biggest buyer of gold is to levy a commodities transaction tax on futures contracts for precious metals, base metals and non-agricultural commodities, from July 1. This could further crimp demand in India. Source: Mineweb ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA)
India Boosts Gold Import Tax to Curb Record Deficit, Demand By Siddhartha Singh, Swansy Afonso & Nicholas Larkin - Jun 6, 2013 7:21 AM ET India, the world’s largest gold buyer, increased a tax on bullion imports to curb a record current-account deficit at a time when the World Gold Council predicts an all-time high quarterly demand for the metal. The duty will rise to 8 percent from 6 percent, effective immediately, Revenue Secretary Sumit Bose said in a telephone interview yesterday in New Delhi. Before the move, India had tripled the tax since January last year. Gold imports may fall as much as 20 percent this year, the All India Gems & Jewellery Trade Federation said. The levy on platinum imports was also increased to 8 percent from 6 percent. Enlarge image India Increases Gold Import Duty to Cut Current-Account Deficit A salesman counts gold chains at the Dwarkadas Chandumal Jewelers store in the Zaveri Bazaar area of Mumbai. India’s gold imports will be 300 to 400 metric tons in the second quarter, almost half of total shipments for all of last year. Photographer: Dhiraj Singh/Bloomberg Gold’s slump to a two-year low in April boosted demand for jewelry from Asia. Yesterday’s step is the latest by India to curb the appetite for the metal among the nation’s 1.2 billion population, for uses ranging from wedding jewelry to a hedge against consumer-price inflation. Such demand contributed to a $32.6 billion current-account gap in the last quarter of 2012, equivalent to a record 6.7 percent of gross domestic product. “Physical demand at these sort of price levels is still very strong and the Indian government wants to curb imports,” Robin Bhar, an analyst at Societe Generale SA in London, said by phone. “It will have an impact on demand because already we’re seeing a whole raft of restrictions announced.” Prices Drop
Sid Harth (USA)
Gold for immediate delivery was little changed at $1,404.14 an ounce at 4:42 p.m. in Mumbai, down 16 percent in dollar terms this year compared with a 10 percent drop in rupees. The dollar price reached a two-year low of $1,321.95 on April 16 after rallying for the past 12 years in the longest bull run in at least nine decades. Futures in Mumbai jumped 2.2 percent yesterday, the most in six weeks, and were little changed today at 27,692 rupees per 10 grams ($1,515.262 an ounce). India’s gold imports will be 300 to 400 metric tons in the second quarter, almost half of total shipments for all of last year, the London-based World Gold Council said in a May 29 report. Inward shipments may decline by as much as 20 percent in 2013 after the increased levy, Bachhraj Bamalwa, a director at the All India Gems & Jewellery Trade Federation, said by telephone from Kolkata. The rupee has weakened about 4.6 percent against the dollar in the past month, the most in a basket of 11 Asian currencies tracked by Bloomberg. The drop threatens to stoke price pressures that may curb the Reserve Bank of India’s scope to extend monetary easing and counter the slowest economic growth in a decade. Chidambaram’s Appeal Gold imports aren’t sustainable and India must curtail them, Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram said in a speech in Mumbai today. He urged banks to refrain from encouraging purchases of the metal and said the country’s overall economic situation isn’t very promising, with investment still weak. The government this week sold inflation-linked bonds for the first time in 15 years, to provide investors with an alternative to gold as a buffer against inflation. Wholesale prices rose 4.9 percent in April from a year earlier, a 41-month low, while the consumer-inflation index climbed 9.4 percent.
Sid Harth (USA)
The nation had already widened curbs on imports on June 4. Restrictions on overseas purchases by banks on a consignment basis will be expanded to include state-run trading companies and others authorized to directly import gold, the RBI said. A levy on gold ore, concentrate and so-called dore bars for refining was increased to 6 percent from 4 percent, and an excise tax on refined gold will climb to 7 percent from 5 percent, the Finance Ministry said in a statement. “The government is taking a hard line trying to curb the country’s appetite for gold,” UBS AG wrote yesterday in a report, before the announcement. “This poses a risk for Indian gold demand up ahead. While this is unlikely to put an end to traditional gold buying in India, a more expensive gold price in rupee terms should have a negative impact on overall volumes. An unintended consequence of increasing difficulties in importing gold would be a potential increase in unofficial flows.” To contact the reporters on this story: Siddhartha Singh in New Delhi SOURCE: Bloomberg People are buying gold, in orfer to make a huge golden chariot for Narendra Modi's 'Singhasan' ceremony in next June, 2014. It is said that all the gold in the world would not be equal to just one golden wheel of "ModSuvarna-Ratha." 'Kay narubhau, kaskay?' ...and I am Sid Harth

Amity Shlae

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Amity Shlaes

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Amity Shlaes (born September 10, 1960) is an American author and columnist from New York, who writes about politics and economics. She is currently a senior fellow and director of the Four Percent Project at the George W. Bush Institute[1] and a Bloomberg View columnist.[2]

Education and career

Shlaes graduated from Yale Universitymagna cum laude[3] with a bachelor's degree in English in 1982.[4]
Since 2007, she has been writing a syndicated column for Bloomberg News.[5] The column appears weekly both on Bloomberg terminals and websites, and in papers such as the Orange County Register, Atlanta Journal-Constitution, San Francisco Chronicle, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, and Seattle Post-Intelligencer.[6] Shlaes also writes a print column for Forbes magazine, rotating with Lee Kwan Yew, David Malpass, and Paul Johnson.[6] Shlaes is also a regular contributor to Marketplace, the public radio show. She has appeared on numerous other radio and television shows over the course of her career.[5]
Before writing her column for Bloomberg, Shlaes was a columnist for the Financial Times for five years, until September 2005.[6] Before that she was a member of the editorial board of The Wall Street Journal, specializing in economics.[5] She followed the collapse of communism for The Wall Street Journal Europe and in the early 1990s she served as the Journal's op-ed editor.[5]
Over the years, she has written for The New Yorker, The American Spectator, Commentary, The Spectator (UK), Foreign Affairs, Forbes, National Review, The New Republic, the Süddeutsche ZeitungandDie Zeit, among others.[5] Her obituary of Milton Friedman appeared inThe New York Sun.[7]
In 2011, she was named director of the 4% Growth Project at the George W. Bush Institute.[1] This initiative is aimed at illuminating ideas and reforms that can yield faster, higher quality economic growth.[1] Before joining the Bush Institute she served a decade as a senior fellow in economic history at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher.[8] As a Senior fellow in Economic History at CFR David Rockefeller Studies Program, Shlaes worked within the Maurice R. Greenberg Center for Geo-economic Studies (CGS), dedicated to promoting better understanding among policymakers and academic specialists of how economic and political forces interact to influence world affairs.[9]
Since Fall 2008, Shlaes has served as an adjunct associate professor of economics at New York UniversityStern School of Business, teaching a course titled "The Economics of the Great Depression".[10]
She has served at various times as Chairman of the Board of the International Policy Network, home to the world's leading prize for free-market journalism, the Bastiat Prize.[1] She serves on the jury for the Friedrich von Hayek Prize. She is a trustee of the American Institute in Contemporary German Studies[5] and the Calvin Coolidge Memorial Foundation.[6] In the past, she was a trustee of the German Marshall Fund.

Books and other writings

Shlaes's first book was Germany: The Empire Within, about Germany national identity at the time of reunification. She has also written articles about this time period, including a piece in the The New Yorker on the Deutsche mark and the euro.[11]
She followed that book with The Greedy Hand: How Taxes Drive Americans Crazy and What to Do About It. It was a national bestseller.[6]Fred Goldberg, a former IRS Commissioner, called it "a terrific book on the history of politics and taxing in America ... a must read—whether you come from the left, right, or mushy middle."[12] Steve Forbes described The Greedy Hand as "the economic bible for those who believe in growth".[12]
Her most recent national bestseller is The Forgotten Man: A New History of The Great Depression. It is a study of the Great Depression in the United States and the New Deal. This book argues that both Presidents Herbert Hoover and Franklin Delano Roosevelt promoted economic policies that were counterproductive, prolonged the Great Depression, and established the modern entitlement trap.[12]The Forgotten Man was a New York Times bestseller for 19 weeks,[6] with over 250,000 copies in print. It has also been published in German, Italian, Korean, Chinese (Mandarin) and Japanese.[6]
Novelist Mark Helprin said of The Forgotten Man: "Were John Kenneth Galbraith and Milton Friedman to spend a century or two reconciling their positions so as to arrive at a clear view of the Great Depression, this would be it."[13]Steven F. Hayward of the American Enterprise Institute wrote that The Forgotten Man was "the finest history of the Great Depression ever written".[14]
Economist Paul Krugman has criticized The Forgotten Man, taking issue with its central tenet that New Deal policies exacerbated the Great Depression. Krugman wrote of "a whole intellectual industry, mainly operating out of right-wing think tanks, devoted to propagating the idea that FDR actually made the Depression worse.... But the definitive study of fiscal policy in the 1930s, by the MIT economist E. Cary Brown, reached a very different conclusion: Fiscal stimulus was unsuccessful 'not because it does not work, but because it was not tried'."[15] Krugman specifically accused Shlaes of disseminating "misleading statistics."[16] Shlaes responded to Krugman in The Wall Street Journal, specifically saying that for her estimates of employment and unemployment during the period she used the Lebergott/Bureau of Labor Statistics series.[17] She wrote that statistician Stanley Lebergott "intentionally did not include temporary jobs in emergency programs—because to count a short-term, make-work project as a real job was to mask the anxiety of one who really didn't have regular work with long-term prospects."[17]
Shlaes went on to say that if the Obama administration "proposes F.D.R.-style recovery programs, then it is useful to establish whether those original programs actually brought recovery. The answer is, they didn't."[18]
Writing in Forbes, Hudson Institute fellow Diana Furchtgott-Roth first lays out Shlaes's view: "She points out that federal spending during the New Deal did not restore economic health.[19] Unemployment stayed high and the Dow Jones Industrial average stayed low." After then explaining Krugman's position that "the New Deal failed to spend enough money to achieve full employment," Furchtgott-Roth concludes, "the new president needs to listen to many voices."[19]
Journalist Jonathan Chait has called the book self-contradictory, misleading, and inaccurate.[20] Novelist and essayist John Updike criticized the book as "a revisionist history of the Depression".[21]
The International Herald Tribune review by David Leonhardt comments: "With 75 years of hindsight, surely we can all agree that Roosevelt's vision was imperfect. Yes, he helped build many pillars of the modern economy — Social Security, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the modern Federal Reserve and more. He also understood the folly of Hoover's protectionism and pursued a more open trade policy. And his public works slowly, if unevenly, provided employment. (As the historian Eric Rauchway has noted in Slate, Shlaes exaggerates joblessness in the 1930s by counting many people who worked in relief programs as unemployed.) But other attempts to fine-tune the economy truly did fail. From today's vantage point, the worst of them may have been farm subsidies, which essentially live on, giving a handout to agribusiness while raising the cost of food for everyone else and hurting poor farmers around the world."[22]
Brian Wesbury wrote of The Forgotten Man that "if you care about markets, the economy, politics or personal initiative, you will love this book."[13]
Shlaes's also wrote the foreword to Seeds of Destruction, a book by Glenn Hubbard, Dean of Columbia Business School, and scholar Peter Navarro.[23] She also wrote the introduction to Wall Street Journal editor George Melloan's The Great Money Binge: Spending Our Way to Socialism.[24]
In 2003 she coauthored, with the late Robert Bartley of The Wall Street Journal,[6] a piece on tax philosophy, published in the Manhattan Institute's Turning Intellect into Influence.[12] She also contributed to, along with Harold James and Samuel Gregg, 2012 the book Natural Law, Economics and the Common Good, which examines the nature and scope of ethics in relation to global economics, especially in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.[25]
Shlaes also was a contributor to the special 30th anniversary edition of the scholarly journal Tax Notes. Her essay was titled "The Future of American Taxation".[6]
In 2013, Shlaes released her latest work, a biography of Calvin Coolidge. On February 13, 2013, MSNBC published an excerpt of Coolidge onto its Morning Joe blog as part of a discussion on "books breaking new ground on the way we think about American presidents ... [including] Coolidge who has reemerged as a hero of small government Republicanism.".[26]
During the show, Sam Tanenhaus, editor of The New York Times Book Review, praised Shlaes as "a brilliant journalist, who has a great feel for where the Republican party happens to be at any particular moment and instead of just echoing what's being said, she'll look ahead a bit ... she's saying there's an older style of Republican politics that the party may be able to recapture."[27]
In an interview with the National Review Online, Shlaes said she was interested in profiling Coolidge because he is "the forgotten president.... But his economic performance and his statesmanship suggest [he] belongs in the top quarter of presidents."[28]
Coolidge's biography also provides lessons for today's leaders.
In The Wall Street Journal, Shlaes explains how Coolidge was able to cut taxes, reduce the national debt, and balance the budget. Shlaes writes "those who are even now pondering presidential runs for 2016 would do well to heed Silent Cal's deeds."[29]
Even before publication, Coolidge received notable advanced praise.[30]
Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve, writes, "History has paid little attention to the achievements of Coolidge because he seemed to be unduly passive. Yet Amity Shlaes, as his biographer, exposes the heroic nature of the man and brings to life one of the most vibrant periods in American economic history."[30]
And Paul Volcker, another former chairman of the Federal Reserve, praises the work for its "different and highly relevant message.... Read Coolidge, and better understand the forces bearing on the President and Congress almost a century later."[30]
Congressman Paul Ryan has also acknowledged the bearing the book has on today's political and economic environment. He writes, "Amidst today's economic hardships and an uncertain future, Shlaes illuminates a path forward—making Coolidge a must-read for policymakers and citizens alike."[30]
Since its release, Coolidge has continued to receive impressive reviews.
The Economist gives Shlaes' and her latest book high praise for revisiting an overlooked presidency. "American readers who believe intervention to be a good thing are likely to blanch at a controversial new biography of Coolidge ... However, if they are brave enough to read on they will also discover a presidency of remarkable achievement that has received too little attention.... Ms. Shlaes's biography provides a window onto an unfairly tarnished period. It deserves to be widely read."[31]
Robert Merry of The Wall Street Journal praised Coolidge, writing, "The Coolidge years represent the country's most distilled experiment in supply-side economics.... That success is the central Coolidge legacy, brought home with telling authority in Ms. Shlaes's work."[32]
Jacob Heilbrunn of the The New York Times commends Shlaes' thorough work, commenting, "(Shlaes) has assiduously researched Coolidge's life, drawing both on his private papers (going so far as to photograph his appointment books) and on contemporary newspaper reports."[33]
Philip Seib, professor and director of the Center on Public Diplomacy at the University of Southern California, praises Shlaes for revealing Coolidge's fiscal discipline in the Dallas Morning News. He writes, "Calvin Coolidge was very much a man and a president of his times. Shlaes deserves thanks for helping us, nearly a century after his tenure, to consider his approach to economic policy and the presidency, as well as his place in history."[34]
Ultimately, as the USA Today book review writes, "Amity Shlaes' rich new biography reminds us that Calvin Coolidge—our 30th president, who presided over America's Roaring '20s (1923–29) with, ironically, the most reserved presence of any chief executive—must not be forgotten in our era of staggering government deficits and poisoned political rhetoric."[35]
"Coolidge" debuted on the New York Times Best Seller list for nonfiction on March 3, 2013, at number three. This is Shlaes' third-best-selling work.[36]
Shlaes is also working on an illustrated version of The Forgotten Man[6] with artist Paul Rivoche, an award-winning cartoonist.[37]

Awards and honors

  • In 2001, Shlaes was included in Yale Alumni Magazine's list of "Who's Been Blue".[38]
  • She was the 2002 co-winner of the International Policy Network's Frederic Bastiat Prize, an international prize for writing on political economy.
  • In 2003, she spent several months at the American Academy in Berlin as the JP Morgan Fellow for finance and economy.
  • She gave the 2004 Bradley lecture at the American Enterprise Institute. Her speech, titled "The Chicken vs. the Eagle", looked at the effect of the National Recovery Administration on entrepreneurs.[39]
  • She was awarded the 2007 Deadline Club award for Opinion writing,[40] and the Newswomen's Club of New York's Front Page Award for her Bloomberg columns.[41]
  • She is the 2009 winner of the Hayek Prize, awarded by the Manhattan Institute. It is largely considered the most prestigious prize for conservative books.[6]

Academic appearances

Amity Shlaes has lectured at numerous institutions, academic and otherwise. Her appearances include:

Personal

Shlaes married fellow journalist Seth Lipsky in 1988. They have four children.[1]

References

  1. ^ abcde"Amity Shlaes Joins George W. Bush Institute". George W. Bush Institute. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  2. ^"Amity Shlaes". Bloomberg View. Retrieved 20 February 2013.
  3. ^"Amity Shlaes". Ashbrook.org. 2008-04-28. Archived from the original on 19 November 2010. Retrieved 2010-11-20.
  4. ^Online Yale Alumni directory
  5. ^ abcdef"Amity Shlaes". Amity Shlaes. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  6. ^ abcdefghijk"Our Leadership". George W. Bush Institute. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  7. ^"Friedman's Warmth". The New York Sun. 2006-11-17. Retrieved 2010-11-20.
  8. ^"About". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  9. ^"Mission". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  10. ^"Amity Shlaes". New York University. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  11. ^Shlaes, Amity (28 April 1997). "Loving the Mark". The New Yorker. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  12. ^ abcd"Books". Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  13. ^ ab"Reviews". Amity Shlaes. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  14. ^Glazov, Jamie (26 July 2007). "The Forgotten Man". FrontPageMagazine.com. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  15. ^Krugman, Paul (10 November 2012). "Franklin Delano Obama?". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  16. ^Krugman, Paul (19 November 2008). "Amity Shlaes strikes again". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  17. ^ abShlaes, Amity (29 November 2008). "The Krugman Recipe for Depression". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  18. ^Schuessler, Jennifer (12 December 2012). "Inside the List". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  19. ^ abFurchtgott-Roth, Diana (3 December 2008). "The Economic Fight Of The Year". Forbes. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  20. ^Chait, Jonathan (18 March 2009). "Wasting Away In Hooverville". The New Republic. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  21. ^Updike, John (2 July 2007). "Laissez-faire Is More". The New Yorker. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  22. ^Leonhardt, David (26 August 2007). "No Free Lunch". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  23. ^Shlaes, Amity (14 August 2010). "Seeds of Destruction-Forward by Amity Shlaes". Glenn Hubbard. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  24. ^"The Great Money Binge: Spending Our Way to Socialism". Amazon. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  25. ^"Natural Law, Economics and the Common Good". Amazon. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  26. ^"An except from Amity Shlaes' Coolidge". MSNBC. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  27. ^"Morning Joe: Lessons Learned from American Presidents". MSNBC. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
  28. ^Lopez, Kathryn Jean. "Coolest Cal". National Review Online. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  29. ^Shlaes, Amity. "The Coolidge Lesson on Taxes and Spending". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  30. ^ abcd"Coolidge: Amity Shlaes". Amazon. Retrieved 2 January 2013.
  31. ^"Calvin Coolidge and the Great Depression: When less led to more". The Economist. 23 February 2013. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
  32. ^Merry, Robert. "Calvin Coolidge for President". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  33. ^Heilbrunn, Jacob. "The Great Refrainer". The New York Times. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  34. ^Seib, Philip. "Book review: 'Coolidge,' by Amity Shlaes". Dallas Morning News. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
  35. ^Damsker, Matt (15 February 2013). "Shlaes' Coolidge biography revisits the 'silent' president". USA Today. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
  36. ^"Best Sellers". The New York Times. Retrieved 15 March 2013.
  37. ^Paul Rivoche (January 29, 2011). "Forgotten Man Graphic Novel". Rocketfiction. Retrieved 3 June 2013.
  38. ^"Famous Yalies". Yale Alumni Magazine. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  39. ^"Bio". Amity Shlaes. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  40. ^"2007 Deadline Club Awards". Dealine Club. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  41. ^"Newswomen's Club of New York Announces 2007 Front Page Awards Winners". Newswomens Club of New York. Retrieved 20 April 2012.

External links

Of Fareed Zakaria, Mohammed Morsi and I

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  • Egypt’s lost opportunity

By , Published: July 3

Fareed Zakaria and I do not get along. He has written an opinion piece in the Washington Post. I would like to make him little uncomfortable. Not because he writes as if he knows what is happening in Egypt in particular or for that matter, the Middle East in general.

His remarks do show that he lacks a dispassionate judgment. His claims about the rot in Mohammed Morsi's short presidency due to the lack of his will, Morsi's will, is not true.

Egypt has a long history of imperialists', malicious and totally undemocratic subjugation. There were historic moments when the carefully selected persons, appointed as the heads of state, were treated like slaves.

They didn't mind. Their job was to keep the country running, under the circumstances, that their acts, actions or public or private behavior was scrutinized to the point, some preferred not to question the strange logic behind having a cake but not being able to est eat it. 

 Over the past three decades, when American officials would (gently) press Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak to stop jailing his opponents and initiate more democratic reforms, he would invariably snap back: “Do you want the Muslim Brotherhood in power?” Wednesday’s events suggest that Egyptians continue to face this choice, between military dictatorship and an illiberal democracy. To succeed, the new leadership in Egypt has to find a way to reject both. That’s a task for Egyptians, not for the United States.

Much of the Western media has tended to describe the divide in Egypt as between secularists and Islamists, portraying ousted Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi as having pursued a radical Islamic agenda in his year in office. There is certainly a strand of truth to this narrative, though the story is more about grabbing power than enacting sharia.
Fareed Zakaria
Writes a weekly foreign affairs column.
Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood have been deceptive, avaricious and venal. The party promised that it would neither run for the presidency nor seek a parliamentary majority. It reneged on both pledges. It rushed through a constitution that was deficient in many key guarantees of individual rights. It has allowed discrimination and even violence against the Coptic Christian minority in Egypt. It has tried to shut down its opposition, banning members of Mubarak’s old party from all political offices in Egypt for life.
But its biggest failing has been incompetence. Egypt is in free fall. In the year that Morsi was in power, the economy sunk, unemployment skyrocketed, public order collapsed, crime rose, and basic social services have stalled. This would by itself by enough to produce massive public discontent.
Public discontent was first channeled against the army, which ruled Egypt for 16 months after the fall of Mubarak in 2011. Now it has been directed towards Morsi. If the objective situation does not improve in the country, this discontent might not easily dissipate.
Egypt’s military has presented this coup as a “soft” one, aimed at restoring democracy, not subverting it. If it succeeds, it could work like the Turkish military’s removal of an Islamist government in 1997. If it fails, it could look like the Algerian coup of 1992, ushering in a decade of violence.
For now, it has certainly preserved the army’s immense power and perks, which have continued despite the formal end of military rule. The military budget, for example, remains a black box subject to no parliamentary or presidential scrutiny. And while Morsi’s misrule galvanized liberal forces, it is an irony that they have sought a path to power on the backs of a fairly repressive military regime.
In Egypt, we see the results of an unfortunate dynamic produced by decades of dictatorship. Extreme autocracy produced, as its counterpoint, extreme opposition. As the regime became more repressive, the opposition grew more Islamist and obstinate, sometimes violent. Arab lands have been trapped between repressive regimes and illiberal political movements, with little prospect than that from within these two forces, liberal democracy might break through.
Morsi and the Brotherhood had the opportunity to break this vicious cycle — to be the force for democracy and for a liberal order with a separation of powers and a constitutional government. That was the basis of the Justice and Development Party’s success in Turkey, until recently, when 10 years or success and three electoral victories went to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s head. But for that, Morsi would have needed to be a different kind of leader.
There is such a leader in the world today, lying barely alive in a hospital bed in Pretoria, South Africa. Nelson Mandela has many claims to greatness. But perhaps chief among them was the fact that when he took control of the country, he did everything in his power to accommodate and reassure the Afrikaners that they had an important place in the new South Africa. Imagine the pressures on Mandela from newly empowered blacks to treat these people, who had created apartheid, very differently. And yet he resisted and did what was right for his country and history.
The United States has tried to chart a middle course, supporting the democratic process, working with the elected president, and yet urging him toward moderation. It’s not enough to satisfy either side — and where once Washington was blamed for supporting the military, it is now blamed for supporting the Brotherhood.
The reality is that leadership from Washington is largely irrelevant. What matters is leadership in Cairo. Morsi is not Mandela, nor, most probably, is his successor. Because of that difference, Egypt will follow a more difficult democratic course than did South Africa.

Read more from Fareed Zakaria’s archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook.
Read more from Opinions:
The Post’s View: Mohamed Morsi’s betrayal of democracy
Thomas Carothers and Nathan J. Brown: Recalibrating U.S. policy in Egypt
Robert Kagan and Michele Dunne: Show Egypt some tough love
The Post’s View: U.S. should water Egypt’s grass roots
David Ignatius: In Egypt, sliding toward ruin

 
107
Comments
 
bobnpvine1
7/3/2013 8:21 PM EST
Here's why last year's Egyptian so-called revolution didn't work... The Brotherhood used their victory as a mandate to run roughshod over the other half of the country...

We have the same thing going on here in North Carolina...

Until people learn that governing and tyranny don't mix we will continue to see these so-called revolutions, which they aren't... They are revenge...

Bob
Dr. Bassem Ibrahim
7/4/2013 4:32 PM EST
As Egyptians, we are dismayed by the West's reaction to what has happened in our country last night. When 33 million Egyptians take to the streets asking their military to rescue them from a fascist regime, this is not a coup, this is a national rescue operation. Winning an election does not mean a blank cheque to destroy its economy, erase its identity, and even spoil the future of coming generations
WorldCitizen13
7/5/2013 3:44 AM EST
It's more of an illustration of the West's inability to understand the Middle East.

The West sees an army as a dangerous factor, hindering "true democracy". while in the ME, the respective armies were/are, more often than not, the only thing standing between several tribalist communities, trying to massacre each other.

A situation the West/Europe?America hasn't faced since the dark middle-ages, and only recently -in the Jugoslav wars- got re-acqainted with.

It works both ways. The difference in mentality is far deeper than most idealists want to accept. Both sides of the debate mean well, but they are, basically, speaking a completely different political language.

It's one of the reasons I am vehemently agáinst meddling in the ME. The Middle East should fix their trouble themselves, in théir pace.

Forcing the Western way of "immediate solutiions"and an mechaniscistic attitude towards politics, won't work in the Middle East.

It's a lesson sòme start to learn, but they get snowed-under by the "instant satisfaction" types.-->intervene, force peace, and voilá. Problems gone.

Well...no..

Wednesday, March 14, 2012

The Three Conquerors of Egypt


            Egypt has been subject to multiple conquests in its history.  After Alexander the Great and the Muslims from Arabia had left, Egypt was conquered by numerous countries such as The Ottoman Empire, the French, and the British.  In 1517 the Ottomans invaded and conquered Egypt (1).  Leading up to this the Mamluks were occupying Egypt.  The Mamluks declared war on the Ottoman Empire and tried to advance upon them.  The Ottomans counterattacked and took Egypt (2).
            In 1798 Napolean Bonaparte and the French were trying to inflict harm to the British (3).  They wanted to cut off England’s trade routes to India by blocking access to the Red Sea.  In response, with the help of the Ottoman Empire, England took Egypt from the French in 1801.  Eventually England gained full control over Egypt.  They made Egypt a protectorate in 1914 because of World War I (4).

Egypt Under the Ottomans, the French, and the British


            While under the Ottomans, French, and British, Egypt saw different ways of colonizing a land.  The Ottomans put a Viceroy in charge of Egypt along with the aid of an advisor called a Divan.  They divided Egypt into four provinces with khashifs collecting taxes from the Egyptians in each province.  During Ottoman rule, Egypt experienced a lack of cultural advancements.  Historical texts were rarely written while ingenuity in architecture was also at an all time low.
            After their initial conquest the French sent many scholars and scientists to Egypt to report on the condition of the country.  Napoleon tried to please the Egyptians by giving them councilmen that had a voice in political matters.  This was futile as Egyptians were fed up with foreign rule in general, French administration, and the economic problems that surface when a country is at war.  This led to an Egyptian revolt in Cairo that needed French artillery to quell.  French rule had huge impacts on Egypt.  By bringing in scholars, it opened up Egypt to the Western world.  Egyptians were now influenced by European cultures.  In addition to this, the Rosetta Stone, which allows for the translation of hieroglyphics was discovered during French occupation (1).
            Under the British the Egyptian khedive ruled in name only.  The British administrators held all the power in Egypt.  There were some positives to the English occupation of Egypt.  One was that they were able to fix the economic problems left in Egypt by the French.  They also improved the irrigation system by constructing multiple dams.  One negative however, is that the British failed to address education or public health.  After making Egypt a protectorate in 1914, the British used the country as a military base during World War I (2).

Freedom for Egypt


            In 1919 the Egyptians had enough of living under the control of a foreign country.  They began their push for independence led by Saad Zaghlul.  The British arrested and exiled Zaghlul, which angered the Egyptians who revolted.  For some months in 1919 the British government in Egypt broke down and negotiations with the Egyptians were futile.  In 1922 the United Kingdom gave Egypt its independence, and in 1923 the Egyptians declared themselves a constitutional monarchy.  The only problem was that the British reserved the right to station troops throughout Egypt.  They Egyptians had trouble getting the British to leave, improving the living conditions or the economy, and maintaining power over the British.   Finally in 1936 Egypt and the UK solidified Egypt’s independence by signing a treaty that reduced British influence by restricting their troops to the Suez Canal, which still allowed them to trade through the Red Sea (1).  Shortly after the British writer S.R.K. Glanville wrote about how the Brisith now saw the Egyptians in a good light.  He wrote, “It is thus in two main fields that, thanks to her capacity for conservation, Egypt displays herself as our benefactor.” (2)
            In July of 1952 an army group under the name of the Free Officers seized power over Egypt because they felt the government was corrupt.  Led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, they sent the ruling monarch, King Faruk into exile.  They formed the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) in September of 1952.  The Army’s commander in chief, Muhammad Naguib became the president and prime minister of Egypt.  He banned all other political parties that were around before the elections of 1952.  For the first two years, Naguib and Nasser shared power over Egypt with Nasser serving as deputy prime minister.  However, the two could not agree so Nasser became prime minister in 1954.  In November of that year, Naguib lost his presidency and Nasser took over to lead Egypt unchallenged.  Nasser had England agree to remove all their troops from Egypt by 1956 finalizing Egypt’s independence (3).

Bibiliography

World Book, 2003 ed., “Egypt.”
Glanville, S. R. K. The Legacy of Egypt.Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957.
Asimov, Isaac.The Egyptians.U.S.A.: Third Printing, 1967.
Encyclopedia Britannica, Academic ed., s.v. “Egypt.”

 http://imperialisminegypt.blogspot.com/

...and I am Sid Harth

Irving (Neocon) Kristol and I

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TWO KINDS OF REVOLUTION

REFLECTIONS OF A NEOCONSERVATIVE 


Looking Back, Looking Ahead. By Irving Kristol. 336 pp. New York: Basic Books. $19.95. 

IRVING KRISTOL is one of the most able, versatile and urbane of America's right-wing intellectuals. He may well be the most influential too, for he is said to dispose of considerable brokerage power behind the scenes. He began as a Trotskyist, as he amusingly recounts in this volume. Later he became a liberal anti-Communist and helped to create the British-American monthly magazine Encounter. He describes here the circumstances in which (unknown to its editors) the magazine was, very remotely, financed from C.I.A. funds. It is a long-dead controversy, and no sensible person now holds it against Encounter, which continues to flourish, albeit on a shoestring. 

Mr. Kristol now teaches at New York University and edits The Public Interest, a periodical of conservative bent and high quality. He finds time to write essays on economic, political and philosophical matters, usually with a current point, and it is these that he has collected. Most of them date from the 1970's and early 80's, Paul Johnson, the former editor of The New Statesman, is the author of ''Modern Times.'' though there are a few reprints from a 1972 collection, now out of print. 

It is not easy to characterize this work, for Mr. Kristol ranges widely. Among other topics, he dicusses the Jewish sense of humor, the relations between Judaism, Christianity and Socialism, the case for censoring pornography and the discontent of modern urban civilization. He has an illuminating essay on Albert Einstein and a whole series on American foreign and defense policy. 

But the core of the book is the relationship between economics and society, and here Mr. Kristol is at his best and boldest. He has been called, and he accepts the term, a neoconservative. To my mind it is an ugly and inadequate label. Conservatives, whether new or old, are engaged in preserving as much of the past and present as possible, and there are many aspects of both that Mr. Kristol finds repugnant. He is not a romantic or an Arcadian; he does not suffer from an excess of nostalgia; he has no formal attachments to traditional religious or secular hierarchies. On the contrary, as these pages make clear, he warmly supports the sensible, empirical pursuit of progress and seems to believe that mankind, while far from perfectible, is capable of slow but indefinite improvement. But he distrusts the ories of almost any kind and disbelieves passionately in utopias. I would call him a skeptical liberal democrat, in the proper sense of these terms, and leave it at that. Mr. Kristol's thesis is as follows. In the second half of the 18th century, the formative period of the modern world, there were two distinct types of revolutionary thinkers, who were responsible for two quite different kinds of revolution. On the one hand, there were the French, the Encyclopedists, the men of the Gallic Enlightenment, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau and so forth, the thinkers who precipitated the French Revolution and all its violent and totalitarian offshoots from that day to this. These men lived in a rigidly hierarchical and compartmentalized society, in which they occupied what Mr. Kristol terms a ''marginal situation.'' They were true intellectuals, a caste apart, different, ''at home in the Parisian salons but not in the society as a whole.'' They thus originated what Lionel Trilling called ''the adversary culture,'' seeing their life and work as a ''mission, to be achieved against the massive resistance of tradition, custom, habit and all the institutions'' of society. French rationalism, Mr. Kristol argues, ''identified the condition of being progressive with the condition of being rebellious.'' 

As he observes, the French concept of revolution and progress has become the dominant one in the 20th century, at any rate among intellectuals, and this has led to a needless fundamentalism in the pursuit of change and so in turn to needless violence. It has also led to the notion that progress is the peculiar property of an enlightened elite, who have a mission to promote it and, if necessary, to impose it on society, even against the will of the members of that society. Naturally, this has been destructive of democracy in any genuine form. The seeds of modern totalitarianism lie in the alienation of Rousseau and Voltaire from their social surroundings. 

BY contrast, Mr. Kristol points to the ''other revolution'' of the 18th century, which has its origins in the Unites States and the Anglo- Scottish Enlightenment, a quite different affair from its French counterpart. He sees an appropriate significance in the fact that the Declaration of Independence and Adam Smith's ''Wealth of Nations'' were published in the same year, 1776. The one introduced bourgeois democracy in its most quintessential form; the other analyzed and illuminated in rational terms the capitalist system then springing into existence. The empirical politics of the one married the empirical economics of the other, and the result was the American Republic, citadel of democratic capitalism, the most stable and on the whole most successful framework for promoting human progress. 

Mr. Kristol notes that George Washington was not a ''revolutionary'' revolutionary; he was very much part of the society of his day, which he found good. Equally, Smith, Hume, Burke and the other thinkers of the Anglo-Scottish tradition were also well-adjusted and comfortable members of their society and never found it necessary or congenial to adopt an adversary posture. As rational as the French, they expressed themselves ''in a calm historical sociology rather than in a fervent political messianism.'' They thought that a good deal of progress had already been achieved, often haphazardly, and that society needed prodding in the right direction, rather than overthrowing and building afresh. They did not believe in gnostic elites; on the contrary, in both Burke's organic view of politics and Smith's view of capitalism, everyone had something to contribute, often unconsciously. Their calmer view of progress was thus better adapted to a stable democracy and more likely to avoid totalitarian pitfalls. So it certainly has proved. 

THERE are, of course, a number of objections to Mr. Kristol's theory of the two revolutions. Why, for instance, did the English and Americans, who, as he shows, had so much in common, spend the critical decade of the 1770's at war - with the American Revolution, ostensibly at least, looking to Paris for information and succor? There are a number of paradoxes here. Again, why has the 20th century, and particularly 20th-century youth, gone for sustenance to the French Revolution, which ultimately failed, rather than to the American, which has emphatically succeeded? One would, in particular, like Mr. Kristol to expand his essay ''Adam Smith and the Spirit of Capitalism'' into a book - testimony to the quality of thinking that has gone into this collection. 

photo of Irving Kristol 


...and I am Sid Harth

Irving Krystol

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Irving Kristol

Irving Kristol, who died on September 18 aged 89, was a Depression-era American student radical turned reactionary, and was often described as the "godfather" of the American neoconservative movement; many credited him with helping to transform the political landscape of the United States in the late 20th century.

Irving Kristol
Photo: BETTMANN/CORBIS
The husband of the historian and social commentator Gertrude Himmelfarb, Kristol founded and edited The Public Interest, one of the first publications to seek to articulate a positive conservative philosophy of culture, religion and "values", as opposed to mere negative hostility to New Deal liberalism. His aim was "to convert the Republican Party, and American conservatism in general, against their respective wills, into a new kind of conservative politics suitable to governing a modern democracy".
Kristol used The Public Interest to press for low taxes, a well-funded military, conservative social policies and a minimalist interpretation of First Amendment rights. Though much of the magazine's impact was the result of its influence on young bloods at the Wall Street Journal, to which Kristol was a regular contributor, he was instrumental in nurturing writers who shared the same anti-liberal establishment ethos as he did.
Angered by the rise of the counterculture and by the "appeasement" politics of the Democratic Party in the early 1970s, Kristol and his troops blazed a political trail from left to right. They were, he claimed "liberals mugged by reality".
Kristol once wrote that neoconservatism was less a specific policy agenda than a cast of mind – a "moving spirit" which promoted the idea of an activist agenda within Republican political thinking. Indeed, his own agenda was marked by some startling U-turns.
While in the 1950s he favourably contrasted the secularism of the West with the religious impulse at work in fascism or communism, and even made wisecracks about the Holy Trinity, by the 1980s, with the rise of the religious Right, he was arguing that the humanist secularism which had been such a bulwark against communism had become the slippery slope to liberalism and socialism.
During the 1980s the rather subjective quality of the neocon agenda was reflected in an oft-quoted remark: "If Irving Kristol says you're a neoconservative, you are."
Kristol also played an important role in shaping neoconservative links with the world of think tanks and pressure groups. He had a long association with the American Enterprise Institute and played a pivotal role in the recruitment of intellectuals and academics into the neoconservative movement, acting as a broker between conservative funding sources and Washington-based think tanks. His son William would become chairman of the neocon Project for the New American Century.
But Kristol's radicalism was moderated by realism about the limits of America's cultural hegemony. Although a fierce anti-communist during the Cold War, when it ended he did not entirely share the crusading zeal of the many fellow neocons who argued that America should be building on its triumph by imposing American values on the rest of mankind – though he recognised that the proposition held a strong appeal to people who found themselves "ideologically adrift in the post-Cold War era".
For hardliners, Kristol's scepticism meant that he had forfeited the right to be called a neoconservative, and some accused him of being a conservative neo-realist or Right isolationist. In any case, by the time of the election of George W Bush the initiative had passed to a new generation of neocons, a "Young Turk" faction which included Kristol's son William, which would lead efforts after 9/11 to push for war in Iraq and an interventionist "war on terror".
"Ever since I can remember, I've been a neo-something," Kristol reflected. "A neo-Marxist, a neo-Trotskyist, a neo-liberal, a neo-conservative; in religion, a neo-orthodox even while I was a neo-Trotskyist and a neo-Marxist. I'm going to end up a neo-. That's all, neo dash nothing."
Irving Kristol was born on January 22 1920 into a poor Orthodox Jewish family in Brooklyn, where his father worked in the rag trade. He studied History at the City College of New York, then a hotbed of Left-wing radicalism. The various warring factions occupied different alcoves off the main university dining hall, and Kristol chose the Trotskyist alcove. He was a member of the 4th International in 1940 and it was at a Trotskyist meeting that he met Gertrude Himmelfarb. They married in 1942.
Trotsky's critique of the Soviet Union would help Kristol to abandon an early flirtation with Marxism, and he retained at least one important lesson from his erstwhile mentor: the belief that it is necessary to have "permanent revolution" to sustain an activist ideology.
Moreover, although Kristol later described the job of the neocon as being "to explain to the American people why they are right and to the intellectuals why they are wrong", his basic outlook owed much to Trotskyist concept of the intellectual elite: "The changing connotation of the term 'alienated' tells us much," he wrote later. "At City College in the 1930s... it was a sociological category and referred to the condition of the working class. We were not alienated. By virtue of being radical intellectuals, we had 'transcended'. We experienced our radicalism as a privilege of rank, not as a burden imposed by a malignant fate. It would never have occurred to us to denounce anyone or anything as 'elitist'. The elite was us – the 'happy few' who had been chosen by History to guide our fellow creatures toward a secular redemption..."
From 1941 to 1944, Kristol served as staff sergeant in the armoured infantry in Europe. After the war he was stationed in Marseilles for a year, first at an Army headquarters library and then as chief company clerk.
Back in America in 1947, he was appointed managing editor of Commentary, a monthly political and cultural magazine that had been founded by the American Jewish Committee two years earlier. Kristol's path from radical leftist, to liberal, to neoconservative, took place during his time as editor in the early 1950s, and he displayed all the zeal of the convert.
Among his favourite targets for criticism were "progressives" who, he claimed, were abetting communist influence in the United States.
In a 1952 article, "'Civil Liberties' –A Study in Confusion", Kristol criticised those who defended the civil liberties of communists, arguing that to accord such people rights was like a businessman paying "a handsome salary to someone pledged to his liquidation".
In 1953 he co-founded, with Stephen Spender, the Anglo-American literary magazine Encounter, serving as its co-editor until 1958. The magazine was later revealed to have received covert funding from the CIA, a fact of which Spender, at least, had been unaware. Kristol too denied all knowledge.
Kristol used Encounter to campaign for pro-American, anti-communist politics among social democratic intellectuals in Europe. In 1956 he rejected for publication an essay by Michael Oakeshott called "On Being Conservative" on the ground, as he later explained, that Oakeshott's theory of restrained, small-government conservatism would never be accepted in the United States because it was "irredeemably secular" and therefore "at odds with the ideological, 'creedal' mentality of Americans".
In 1959-60 Kristol was editor of The Reporter, a biweekly news and comment magazine published in New York. He served as vice-president of Basic Books, a New York publishing house, from 1961 to 1969, when he was appointed Professor of Social Thought at the New York University Graduate School of Business.
Kristol founded The Public Interest in 1965, co-editing it with Daniel Bell and later Nathan Glazer. In 1985 he established an international affairs version entitled The National Interest, which he published until 2001.
In the late 1970s Kristol claimed credit for converting (albeit indirectly) Ronald Reagan to supply-side economics, and in 1979 an article he wrote about a "conservative welfare state" which would protect the "innocent" poor but would not provide for the chronically idle, set the agenda for a new Republican approach to welfare reform.
During the 1980s his favourite target for criticism was what he called the "New Class" of white-collar professionals – scientists, lawyers, planners, social workers, educationalists, criminologists, sociologists and the like – whose hidden agenda, he maintained, was to propel the nation toward an economic system "so stringently regulated in detail as to fulfil many of the traditional anti-capitalist aspirations of the Left".
Kristol became a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and of the Wall Street Journal Board of Contributors in 1972, and in 1988 he was appointed a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. In 2002 he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by George W Bush.
His books include Two Cheers for Capitalism (1978), Reflections of a Neo-conservative (1983) and Neo-conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (1995).
Irving Kristol is survived by his wife and their son and daughter. Their son, William, who now edits the neocon Weekly Standard, declared after the inauguration of President Barack Obama: "All good things must come to an end. January 20 2009 marked the end of a conservative era."

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...and I am Sid Harth

Irving Krystol

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Irving Kristol
Irving Kristol
Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea
ISBN: 0028740211
Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea
Professor Irving Kristol discussed his book, "Neo-Conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea, Selected Essays 1949-1995," published by The Free Press. He talked at length about the development of his personal philosophy which began with Marxism in the 1940s. His outlook became more conservative over the years and the term "neo-conservative" was coined as a criticism of Kristol's work in the 1980s. He has since adopted the term as apt and descriptive of his thought. His son, William Kristol, formerly an aid to Vice President Quayle, publishes a new conservative magazine, The Weekly Standard.
TRANSCRIPT
Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea
Program Air Date: September 24, 1995

BRIAN LAMB, HOST: Irving Kristol, author of "The Autobiography of an Idea: Neo-Conservatism," when was the first time you ever heard that word uttered?
Mr. IRVING KRISTOL (Author, "Neo-Conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea"): It must have been sometime in the mid-1970s. It was not my term. I did not invent it. I believe it was invented by someone who was criticizing me and thought that that was a term of opprobrium. I decided that it was a pretty good description of, in fact, what I was thinking and feeling, so I ran with it.
LAMB: What does it mean?
Mr. KRISTOL: What it means is that--it refers to a constellation of opinions and views that is not traditionally conservative but is conservative and is certainly not liberal. And since I and others who have been called neo-conservatives move from being liberals to being a kind of conservative, then neo-conservatism seemed like a pretty good term.
LAMB: I did some calculations on the 41 different essays you have in the book as to what year they were written. I don't know if you've done this.
Mr. KRISTOL: No.
LAMB: Forty-one pieces, and they were written from the 1940s to the 1990s. The most were written in the '70s--18 of the 41. Why would you guess that the ones you chose for this book were written in the '70s?
Mr. KRISTOL: I think it's because things, particularly intellectual, political things, intellectual and political ideas, were more in flux in the 1970s than either before or after. I mean, that was the decade of transition, so far as I was concerned. Now in 1968, I still voted for Hubert Humphrey, but by the nine--by 1974, I realized I was going to become a Republican, and by that time the term neo-conservatism had been invented, and I decided I was also a neo-conservative.
LAMB: A couple of other numbers here: Only two come from the '80s, and then 12 come from the '90s. Why that big jump?
Mr. KRISTOL: I'm sure that's just an accident. I mean, there are many essays I've written that are not in this book, more journalistic essays, more timely essays I did not bother to include. And I think I wrote a lot of such essays on economics, for instance. Even though I'm not an economist, I was sufficiently well-versed, I do think, to write on economics. But I did not include most of those or strictly political analyses of particular elections. So I would think that's why it's so, but, frankly, I don't remember all the essays I wrote in the 1970s.
LAMB: At one point in one of the essays, you admit to working for the CIA.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah.
LAMB: What's that about?
Mr. KRISTOL: Oh, back in the 1950s, I was in London, co-editing Encounter magazine with Stephen Spender, and I left in 19--the end of 1958. Stephen and I founded the magazine in early '53. I left at the end of '58. And then I guess it was in the mid-'60s or thereabouts that it was revealed that, in fact, we thought we were being subsidized by an American foundation called the Fairfield Foundation, and, in fact, that was a front for the CIA, and it was CIA money, and...
LAMB: How'd you find out?
Mr. KRISTOL: It was made public in the press. I don't know how they found out. Somebody leaked, obviously. But I didn't inquire and I didn't care, really.
LAMB: What was your reaction at the time?
Mr. KRISTOL: I was annoyed. I didn't want to work for the CIA. If I had known there was CIA money involved, I would not have taken that particular job.
LAMB: Why would they want to fund the Encounter magazine?
Mr. KRISTOL: Now that's why an--there were rumors that there was some government money behind it, but the question occurred to me that just occurred to you: Why on Earth would they want to fund a magazine that Stephen Spender and I were editing and which--whose general political outlook was liberal, not at all conservative? This was, after all, in the Eisenhower years. Mr. Dulles, I believe, was then head of the CIA. It didn't make any sense to me.

But it turned out, in fact, there was a liberal group within the CIA that thought it very important to have an intellectual magazine in Europe and, indeed, worldwide. We were an English language magazine and, in the end, pretty much a British magazine, but the idea was that we were supposed to be more cosmopolitan than that. And they decided to support the magazine, and once they started supporting it, it was a very successful magazine. They became very proud of it and didn't let it go until they had to.
LAMB: The first 39 pages of this book are--you say are fresh, brand-new, no one's ever read them before. What are they about? Why did you...
Mr. KRISTOL: It's an autobiographical memoir about my own personal intellectual development, and I didn't want to pre-publish it. Some of it is quite personal. Some of it--well, let me put it this way. This is a book in which all the other essays have previously been published. This essay I wanted to be fresh. It's in some ways the most important essay, from my point of view, that I ever wrote since it's about me, and I wanted that fresh in the book.
LAMB: You start off in the very beginning and you say that--get past the preface here to that--you say that you've been a neo-Marxist, a neo-Trotskyist, a neo-socialist, a neo-liberal and finally a neo-conservative.
Mr. KRISTOL: That pretty much traces the trajectomy of-trajectory of my political beliefs. I--I've never been comfortable with any of those doctrines because I always saw problems inherent in those doctrines. I even see problems inherent in conservatism today. I think anyone who has studied the history of political thought would be bound to see problems with conservatism today, which is why I still call myself a neo-conservative, though in truth, those who would 10 years ago have been called neo-conservatives these days simply call themselves conservatives. The conservative movement has expanded to include us.
LAMB: What's a neo-Marxist?
Mr. KRISTOL: It's a Marxist who never accepted the full doctrine of Marxism and who had some severe doubts about some of the important doctrines of Marxism, as I always did from the beginning.
LAMB: What's a neo--is it--is it Trotskyite or Trotskyist?
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah. Well, it's the same thing as a neo-Marxist, except that I did not want ever to be a Stalinist. I was always critical of Stalinist Russia. On the other hand, I found myself, when I was a young socialist, more and more critical of the teachings of Leon Trotsky, more and more skeptical of them. So I was a neo.
LAMB: Where did you grow up?
Mr. KRISTOL: In Brooklyn.
LAMB: What kind of family did you have?
Mr. KRISTOL: A very stable, traditional family.
LAMB: Brothers and sister?
Mr. KRISTOL: I have one--I had one older sister. She's gone now. And my mother died when I was 16, and we formed a very harmonious household, nevertheless.
LAMB: What did your dad do?
Mr. KRISTOL: He was in the garment trade, boys' clothing, and sometimes business was OK and sometimes, instead of being an employer, he became an employee, depending upon circumstances.
LAMB: Where'd you go to college?
Mr. KRISTOL: City College.
LAMB: What was City College like in those days?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, it was a wonderful place. It had a lot of very bright students, very much interested in politics and very much interested in ideas along with an interest in politics. And I don't--let me put it this way: The faculty, I don't think, was all that distinguished, but it didn't matter. Most of us students ended up educating each other, and we learned a lot. I learned a lot. It was--I got a very good education at City College, not all of it in the classroom.
LAMB: You talk about the different alcoves where people sat.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes.
LAMB: Which one were you in?
Mr. KRISTOL: Alcove one, which was the anti-Communist or anti-Stalinist alcove, where socialists of various kinds and some liberals would congregate and argue and exchange ideas, and it was a very nice alcove. It was my second home.
LAMB: Was that in the cafeteria?
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes. All the alcoves were--when--were in an arc around the cafeteria.
LAMB: Anybody in that alcove that we would know? Any names we would recognize?
Mr. KRISTOL: Oh, yes, some of them anyhow: Daniel Bell, Melvin Lasky, Philip Selznick, now professor emeritus of sociology at Berkeley; Seymour Martin Lipset, also had been a professor for many years at Berkeley. A lot of people who became fairly well-known academics were in that--Irving Howe was in that alcove, became a well-known literary critic. So in terms of subsequent careers, the alcove produced quite a lot of people of some distinction.
LAMB: Who was in alcove two?
Mr. KRISTOL: The Communists; that is to say, the Stalinists, the people who were apologetic for the Soviet Union. And they did not produce, I think, as many distinguished people as we did, because they didn't have the kind of intellectual stimulation that we had.
LAMB: Who were some of the people that were in alcove two?
Mr. KRISTOL: I honestly don't recall. They meant nothing to me.
LAMB: Did alcove one or alcove two ever meet?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, alcove two was forbidden to even argue with us. I mean, that was the way the Communist organization worked. Young Communists dominated alcove two, and they felt bad having conversations or even disputes with Trotskyists or socialists or any sort of non-Communist, left-wing person.
LAMB: Who is Sydney Hook?
Mr. KRISTOL: Sydney Hook was a professor at--of philosophy at New York University and a very distinguished professor of philosophy, who was a peculiar kind of Marxist; that is to say, he rejected about half of what I would call Marxism, but nevertheless retained some elements of it. He was a wonderful educator and a great writer, and I learned a lot from his writings. I was never technically a student of his, though I became a very good friend of his, subsequently, and I learned a lot from his writings.
LAMB: Lionel Trilling.
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, Lionel Trilling was a professor of literature at Columbia and a man whose writings I much admired when I read them in Partisan Review back in--when I was in alcove one. Alcove one was a very intellectual alcove. We read Partisan Review. We were all interested in modern literature, modern poetry, as well as modern politics, and I admired him a great deal. Subsequently, b--when I became an editor of Commentary, I met Lionel Trilling, and we became good friends.
LAMB: What was Commentary?
Mr. KRISTOL: Commentary was founded in 1945. It was published by the American Jewish community--American Jewish Committee, and it aimed at reaching both a Jewish and non-Jewish audience. It was a--we would now call a somewhat highbrow magazine, and it published a lot of the intellectuals from Partisan Review. It published a lot of non-Jews, of course, and I was an editor there for five years.
LAMB: I want to make a connection for the audience that may not follow these things in detail. From a BOOKNOTES in April, let's watch this and get your reaction to it. (Excerpt from April, 1995, BOOKNOTES)
LAMB: How did you and Irving Kristol originally hook up? Ms. GERTRUDE HIMMELFARB (Author, "The De-Moralization of Society"): That's a rather peculiar story. It goes back to our youth. I was very young--I think I was 18 when--when we met, and I think he was probably all of 20 or something like that. And we were both Trotskyists. We were both very m--you're surprised at that. We were very much involved in the radical movement. And we met at a Trotskyist meeting, and we were married a year later.
LAMB: Where? Ms. HIMMELFARB: And that's our--in--in New York, in Brooklyn. It was actually in Brooklyn.
LAMB: Now what were--what were those meetings all about? Ms. HIMMELFARB: Well, they were rather f--they were rather-rather ludicrous from any point of view, and even at the time, I think we thought that they were rather--rather odd, rather bizarre. Well, there we were, young, very militant socialists who thought we were going to reform the world. I forget what we--the Young People's Socialist League Fourth International, I think, was the grand name that was given to this little group, and we were going to convert this little group of--of--we, this--this handful of people, were going to convert the masses to socialism, I suppose, was the idea. So that--that--that's--that was the--the ostensible background of all of this.

(End of excerpt)

LAMB: Your wife.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes. Well, one of the reasons I have always looked back with some good feelings toward my ra--rather brief period as a Trotskyist is I met my wife there. I was, in fact, 20, and she was 18. We were married a year later and have been married now for 53 years, so that--that successful marriage came out of the Trotskyist movement. Also I met many of my lifelong friends there, and also I got a very good, intensive, early education in Marxism and Leninism, which carried me right through the Cold War. I really didn't have to do any studying in Marxism and Leninism after I had left the Trotskyists.
LAMB: Who is Leo Strauss?
Mr. KRISTOL: Now, Leo Strauss was a professor of political philosophy at the University of Chicago. I got to know him much later--oh, I guess it would have been in the late 1940s. He was a teacher of some friends of mine who said, `You must read this man and learn from him,' which I began and did. I then met him. He's called Mr. Strauss. To this day, the students of his students call-refer to him as Mr. Strauss. No one ever first-named Professor Strauss. And never `Professor Strauss,' only `Mr. Strauss.'

He was a very impressive teacher who--whose basic idea was you want to study politics, study Plato and Aristotle, and then try to understand modernity and modern politics in the light of their ideas. And it's a very fruitful way of looking at modernity. And he has produced dozens and dozens of first-rate students, whose students have now produced first-rate students, who are now into the fourth generation, as it were, of so-called Straussians.
LAMB: Back in those days, did you seek out this kind of training, or did you happen on it?
Mr. KRISTOL: Both. You know, I was a young intellectual. I mean, it was in the pre-TV er--era. I was a bookworm, had been a bookworm. I was very interested in ideas. The so-called deeper the idea, the more interesting I found it. I had never really studied Plato and Aristotle, but when I began to read Leo Strauss, I did begin to study them on my own. This was after I was out of college. And it seemed to me that he was on to something very important; that they knew things about us that we did not know about them; that in some ways they understood us rather better than we understood them. And so I became very--oh, I wouldn't say reverential, but certainly very-very respectful of classical political thinking, namely pre-modern political thinking, and I read a lot in that field.
LAMB: Of those early writers, who would be your favorite? Who would--who's--what's the one book you would read for the basis of thought that's brought you through these years?
Mr. KRISTOL: I think it would be Aristotle's "Politics" or his "Ethics." Hard choice. I--it would be Aristotle, not Plato.
LAMB: Did he preach in his writing?
Mr. KRISTOL: No, no. For--but he--he didn't even write, so far as I know. He--he talked, and people wrote it down. He may have written. But did he preach? He had disciples, he had students. They used to walk around, and he would talk to them.
LAMB: What was his theme?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, his theme was: What is the purpose of life? Nothing less. And the purpose of life is to lead a fully human life, and a fully human life is determined not by some ca--capricious idea, but by nature, what nature intends us to live; that we are a species with a destiny, special destiny, and to realize our full humanity, we had to first live in society and then we had to think about the implications of everything we knew.
LAMB: You say in the introduction that `reading theology is one of my favorite relaxations.'
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes. Well, it is a way of being introduced to and getting acquainted with very deep and large ideas, and I like those deep and large ideas. I'm no theologian, though I've written about religion, but I find them stimulating. I--I like being stimulated by those very large ideas, about the meaning of life and whether there is God and what is God, if there is God, and what is the relation of organized religion to morality. All of those questions tantalize me.
LAMB: Jumping from your alcove one and that group way beyond to just a few years ago, you write about, at the American Enterprise Institute, having lunches every day with Robert Bork and Nino Scalia and Laurence Silberman and then Jude Wanniski. What was that all about?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, I was--I had taken a leave of absence from my teaching at NYU, a sabbatical, to learn economics. I felt at that point, economics was becoming important. Up until that point, I assumed that lor--John Maynard Keynes had said everything there was to say about economics. But once we got stagnation and inflation at the same time, it was quite clear that someone had to revise economics. And although I knew I couldn't do it myself, I--at least I wanted to understand what was going on.

So I took the year off, and I came to Washington at the American Enterprise Institute, and Mr. Ford had just lost the election, so that Laurence Silberman and Bob Bork and Nino Scalia all came out of government. And before going on to their other careers as judges or as professors, they spent something like six months at the American Enterprise Institute. And we had no cafeteria then, we had no lunchroom, so we--the four of us brown-bagged it every day and just talked. Then Jude Wanniski came down on a fellowship--he was writing his book then--and he started talking to us about supply-side economics, which was very interesting and about which we knew nothing, and those were a very stimulating peri--that was a very stimulating period for all of us.

At our luncheons, we never talked about law, about which, of course, I knew very little. We talked mainly about religion and economics, religion being my subject and economics being Jude Wanniski's subject. And everyone was interested, and we became very good friends and have been very good friends, all of us, since then.
LAMB: Did you ever talk about some of the things we've just talked about in--in the s--like Aristotle and Plato and whether...
Mr. KRISTOL: Oh, sure.
LAMB: Of those three men, like Judge Silberman at the Appeals Court here or Justice Scalia at the Supreme Court or Robert Bork, the former Appeals Court judge--did they read all the same kind of things that you read?
Mr. KRISTOL: I think some of them were moved to. Yeah, some of them probably had already. I don't know. But they were interested. I mean, these are not just lawyers, these are not just legal thinkers. All of these people are what we would call intellectuals, namely have a very broad interest in ideas. And the thing they liked about being at AEI is they were able to indulge that interest in ideas.
LAMB: Do you have to be--I don't know how to ask this--do you have to be smart to be an intellectual?
Mr. KRISTOL: It helps.
LAMB: And when I say smart, do you know what that means? Is there a cut-off point at that IQ level?
Mr. KRISTOL: No. No. It means you have to be able to cope with abstract ideas comfortably--or uncomfortably sometimes, but that's all right too, wrestling with them. But, I mean, there are a lot of people, I suppose most people are--can get along very well without coping with abstract ideas, and that's OK, too. But, yes, I think you have to be pretty smart to be an intellectual.
LAMB: You mentioned reading about theology. Where do you come out in your--I think you wrote in here you're 75, right?
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah.
LAMB: ...in your 75th year about God?
Mr. KRISTOL: Oh, I've never had a problem with God, never. Even when I was a young Trotskyist, I never had a problem with God. I mean, the so-called existence of God was never a problem for me. I mean, I--however you define God--and that is a serious theological matter, what you mean when you use the word `God' is a serious theological matter. But I had no doubt, ever since I read the opening of the Bible, that, yes, there is such a thing as original sin, and we all live with it. And if you want to understand the human condition, reading the f--opening of the Bible is as good a place as any, the best I think. And so that part of religion has simply never been a problem for me.
LAMB: The last several essays in your book, of the 41, is about Judaism or about being a Jew.
Mr. KRISTOL: Mm-hmm.
LAMB: Where are you? Are you a practicing Jew?
Mr. KRISTOL: Sort of. That is, I'm a member of a Jewish congregation, and I go to synagogue on the high holidays. I attend bar mitzvahs and bat mitzvahs. I do not observe Jewish law because I never did. I think if I had it to do over again, I would be more observant. But I don't have it to do over again, and I'm not going to completely change my life now. That's rather silly, I think. But being Jewish has never been a problem for me.
LAMB: What does that mean?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, I--I--you know, I...
LAMB: What is being Jewish? I mean, what i--what's the culture?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, it's not a question of culture. It's a question of identity. I always knew I was Jewish. I never thought of not being Jewish. I was always very pleased to be Jewish. After all, not everyone is a member of the chosen people, and so I just went along. Even when I was not all that observant--I still am not all that observant--being Jewish just came naturally to me.
LAMB: Another thing that I counted up in the book was mentions in the book about different people. This is not scientific, and I actually checked the index, counted them up--but I thought it was interesting on presidents, how many times presidents were mentioned, and I don't--I don't even know if you know this or not.
Mr. KRISTOL: No.
LAMB: The president mentioned the most was Ronald Reagan. He's mentioned on 11 different pages. By the way, John Kennedy, Harry Truman and Jimmy Carter are not mentioned at all. Talk about that.
Mr. KRISTOL: I admired John F. Kennedy and voted for him, but the importance of Ronald Reagan for someone like myself, a neo-conservative, is that he brought neo-conservatism into the conservative spectrum.

Ronald Reagan was he first Republican president to praise Franklin D. Roosevelt. Newt Gingrich has since followed him in that. Now this was a breakthrough. It meant that the Republican Party, unlike, say, the Goldwater Republican Party of 1964, was no longer fighting against the New Deal; that it was possible to think of reforming many of the institutions bequeathed to us by the New Deal, but that the issue of the New Deal was behind us. And acceptance of the New Deal in principle, if not in all of its details, was one of the basic differences between neo-conservatives and traditional Republican conservatives, who were still fighting against the New Deal.

But once Ronald Reagan began praising Franklin D. Roosevelt as a kind of predecessor, and as I say, Newt Gingrich does exactly the same thing now--the Republican Party has changed. Not everyone in the Republican Party has changed, but it is an important fact that these two leaders of--who helped define the modern Republican Party spoke so well of Franklin D. Roosevelt.
LAMB: Any idea of why you wouldn't write much about John F. Kennedy or Jimmy Carter?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, Jimmy Carter didn't exist for me. It's as simple as that. John F. Kennedy I admired; as I say, I voted for him. I thought he had the potential to be a great president, and then, of course, he was assassinated. I was somewhat disillusioned by the time he was assassinated. But why didn't I write about John F. Kennedy? Maybe I did at some point. I don't know. I think what happened is that he was out of the picture, as he had been gone, before I started writing steadily on current affairs, which really began in the late '60s, early '70s.
LAMB: Today do you still have a relationship with The Wall Street Journal?
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes, I still write occasionally on their op-ed page, a short essay. I used to write much more frequently. It--I think age is beginning to show, and also I don't want to keep repeating myself, so I don't write unless I feel I have something to say. But, yes, I'm still happy to have this wonderful relationship with The Wall Street Journal.
LAMB: Go back and trace, as you do in the book, all the connecting points with the National Review and The Wall Street Journal editorial page and Bob Bartley and you and on and on and how you get to where you are today.
Mr. KRISTOL: A lot of connections. I never had much of a connection with National Review. I--I think I've written for it once, but I became more and more friendly with Bill Buckley in the course of the late '60s and 1970s. So now...
LAMB: Where--where were you in the '60s? Where'd you live?
Mr. KRISTOL: I was--before go---getting a teaching position at NYU, I was executive vice president of the publishing house Basic Books, then a very small publishing house. It has, by now, grown. And I was in the book publishing business. But I was, at the same time, writing. And in 1965 I had started, along with Dan Bell, this quarterly magazine of ours, The Public Interest, which is just celebrating its 30th anniversary. Where were we?
LAMB: Well, we wanted to go from there--we were talking through the National Review. As a matter of fact, you say in the--in the early days that the National Review and you didn't agree.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes, I wrote about the National Review in rather critical terms. It was not my kind of conservative s--view. It-it was really old-fashioned Republican conservatism--Herbert Hoover conservatism, you might say, or Calvin Coolidge conservatism. Neither of those two presidents have ever been icons of mine. So I was aloof from them.

Now in the case of The Wall Street Journal, it w--that was, to some degree, just happenstance. Bob Bartley read The Public Interest after it was founded in 1965 and, apparently, he got very interested in it sufficiently to write a piece for The Journal, which--whose title I well remember, as you can understand why. It was: Irving Kristol and Friends.
LAMB: And Bob Bartley is today the editorial page...
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah, Bob Bartley was then...
LAMB: ...boss.
Mr. KRISTOL: ...in the Washington office, a reporter for The Journal. He then became editor of the editorial page. Today he's editor of The Wall Street Journal. In those days, he--once he became editor of the editorial page, he asked me to write regularly for them, which, of course, I was happy to do. And that began a relationship which has lasted--and a friendship which has lasted to this day. What other connection are you interested in?
LAMB: Well, I--I could jump to the fact that your son now has a new publication. And when I ask you that...
Mr. KRISTOL: Right.
LAMB: ...called The Weekly Standard.
Mr. KRISTOL: I'm sure it's going to be an excellent publication.
LAMB: But in--in the middle of all this, you've r--more than once referred to the--ideas matter. And I guess that's what I'm getting at is: How do ideas move in the society and--and your public-interest publication went to The Wall Street Journal, you know, and now this is--new publication. Is your--what would--how would you assess your son's position at this point with that publication? How does that relate to the discussion going on in town?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, my son's magazine is going to be a conservative magazine, independent conservative, and I--whether it could be called neo-conservative by now almost doesn't matter. But ideas do matter, and my son, I guess, learned that in our household, since both his mother and father believe that, always. We have always believed that. That we learned from the left, by the way. I mean, the left has always understood that ideas matter, since--if you look at the Russian Revolution, it was created by a small handful of people with ideas, as was, in fact, the French Revolution.

Ideas do matter. The right has rarely understood that, the right being more interested in--in pragmatic affairs: business and government and--as an administrative organism. And one of the things I think neo-conservatism has contributed to contemporary conservatism is a strong belief and a strong acknowledgement that ideas do matter. Newt Gingrich believes that ideas matter. And I think the presidencies of Reagan and the current control of Congress show that ideas, in fact, do matter.
LAMB: Where is the--i--in the society today, where's the influence? Where do you see the--the power of ideas coming from today?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, they clearly are not coming from liberalism, which is in terrible trouble intellectually. I mean, I can point out how much trouble it is simply by asking you to name me the leading liberal columnist of the day. The best and most well-known columnists are conservative or neo-conservative: George Will, Charles Krauthammer and others.

Ideas are coming from the left. The left is an--the left is an idea-generating organism, but they are very peculiar ideas, very seditious, which is obviously what the left always wants, but half the time not quite comprehensible. The left has become so academic in our days, so irrelevant in one sense, except in the educational system, where it is very relevant, but it no longer is populist as it once was. The right has become populist; that is, conservatism has become populist aiming to speak to ordinary people. And I think the most interesting ideas today--and I don't know anyone who really disagrees with this--come from the various conservative think tanks, plus some individual conservative scholars in the universities.
LAMB: You say in the book that your wife, Gertrude Himmelfarb, is a Anglophile and you're a Francophile.
Mr. KRISTOL: I've become something of a Anglophile since then.
LAMB: What is--what do either one of those mean?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, an Anglophile is someone who thinks Britain is an especially admirable country to be studied and learn from. The Francophobe--Francophile believes that about France. As it happened, by sheer accident, I spent my last year in the Army after the war in Marseille, and so I got relatively steeped in French literature and French thought, and so I was more of a Francophile than an Anglophile. My wife did her PhD thesis on the great British historian Lord Acton, so she became an Anglophile. But by now, the two have merged, as a result of 53 years of marriage. Both phileas are now one.
LAMB: You write about historians. What do you think of historians today?
Mr. KRISTOL: Historians today?
LAMB: Historians.
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, there are some very good historians today, but of course historians today in this country, as in o--other Western countries, have been influenced by what is called post-modernism; that is to say, relativism of an extreme kind, plus all sorts of other ideas as to what the function of a historian is. So I think, like many of the academic disciplines in the humanities, history is in a state of crisis, and historians are muddling around in this state of crisis.
LAMB: You say that no one's ever written a book about the Federalist papers?
Mr. KRISTOL: That--at the time that I wrote...
LAMB: It was 1970 or something like that.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah--no one had ever written a book about the Federalist papers.
LAMB: Has that changed?
Mr. KRISTOL: You know, I'm not sure. One Swiss scholar wrote a book about the Federalist papers. I think--I haven't followed it that closely. I think there may be a--a few books.
LAMB: What--what was...
Mr. KRISTOL: But, you know, it's interesting the way it's ignored. I mean, it's almost impossible, if you're a political science major at any university, to take a course in the Federalist papers--or in law school school, for that matter. You'd think law school would be interested in finding out what the Founders really thought. But, no, there are no courses in the Federalist papers, or at least not many, either in law schools or in political science departments.
LAMB: Why do you think--let--what's--how important were the Federalist papers?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, I think if you want to understand the political philosophy of the Founders, they're very important. I mean, what else do you have to go by? You have to go by the arguments that they proposed for the ratification of the Constitution. I mean, this was their explanation of why the Constitution should be adopted. You have the debates of the Constitutional Convention, plus the Federalist papers, plus, I guess, the ratification proceedings in the various states.

But the Federalist papers are so brilliantly written, largely by Madison, some by Jay, and are full of so much political wisdom that I really feel that as part of a--an education in American politics, students should be required to read a lot of the Federalist papers, not just one or two, which is what often happens today.
LAMB: In a lot of these books that we do, there's a thread that comes through them. You may have started the thread, but the thread are things like Hayek and Milton Friedman and a Frenchman named Tocqueville and almost--and you write about the fact that you wanted to do a follow-up to the Tocqueville "Democracy in America" book. What--what would--what's your connection to Tocqueville?
Mr. KRISTOL: I read him. My connection with Tocqueville--I didn't know Tocqueville until around I guess it was the 1950s or late '40s, something like that, when "Democracy in America" was reissued. It had--was out of print, and I read it and I said, `This is an absolutely wonderful and profound book.' It's still probably the best book ever written on Amer--on American democracy. And when I left--when I left The Reporter magazine at--in 1960, I decided I was going to write a book on democracy, and I tried. And I collected a lot of notes, and I spent three months on it, working very dilgently--diligently, and I realized it was beyond me; that I just didn't--I had a lot of ideas. They didn't cohere and wouldn't cohere into a book. So I decided to become a professor instead. But, yes, Tocqueville was a great and profound thinker.
LAMB: You say that no one ever calls himself a Tocquevillian.
Mr. KRISTOL: No, but, of course, look, I mean, he--he did not found a school, and for many decades in the United States he was ignored--many. As I say, when I was in City College, no one read de Tocqueville. Hardly anyone had ever heard of him.
LAMB: I--I don't know whether you can do this, but you--when you read a book like yours, and it's--as I--again, it's got 41 essays--you get a sense that there's these different strata in the United States, and there's a strata up here that pays attention to Hayek and Tocqueville and all these names, and then it comes down to a next level, goes all the way down to the average person. Wh--h--what do you think of people that are just--the common person that never gets into this? How much of this influences them, and where--and how does it come through the system?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, it'll influence them obliquely and indirectly. Look, those people are my family, goodness. I mean, I've no problem with ordinary non-intellectual people. I have 34 first cousins, and so far as I know, I was the only intellectual in the family. But I love them all. They're fine people.

But the ideas filter down through the educational system, through the media, through a few politicians who are always hungry for ideas by which to distinguish themselves from the crowd of other politicians. And before you know it, an idea has gained some momentum, and there it is on the agenda. A lot of it is accident. You never know how and where and when ideas are going to impinge on reality.

Ronald Reagan was persuaded to adopt supply-side economics by Jack Kemp, who got it from Wanniski and, to some degree, from myself. And he had a Council of Economic Advisers during his campaign. Of the 12 members of that council, one was in favor of supply-side economics. All the other very distinguished economists were originally against it. But Jack Kemp persuaded Ronald Reagan this was the way to go, and in the end, they all fell into line, and that's the way ideas have impact. I mean, it's not--not quite predictable what's going to happen.
LAMB: So you're saying that somebody watching this out there, who might consider themselves a benefactor or a victim of supply-side economics, that it all started back here with you.
Mr. KRISTOL: With me? No.
LAMB: And if you go back beyond...
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, i--it started with Jude Wanniski and a--a few other people.
LAMB: But where did they get--or where do you get your base for supply-side economics?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, I got it from Jude Wanniski.
LAMB: And where did he get it?
Mr. KRISTOL: He got it from a couple of economists, one out in California, one that--down at Columbia, who were rather unorthodox economists.
LAMB: Where did they get it?
Mr. KRISTOL: They invented it.
LAMB: Just dreamed it up.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yeah. They invented it. I mean, it was an original idea with them...
LAMB: You can't go back...
Mr. KRISTOL: ...in some version or another.
LAMB: You can't go back to Aristotle or Plato or Montesquieu...
Mr. KRISTOL: No, no.
LAMB: ...or somebody for this thing?
Mr. KRISTOL: No, no. There is original invention in the--in the history of ideas. People do have original ideas sometimes.
LAMB: You defend the critics. Your--the people that--you defend yourself, basically, here on supply-side economics, saying--you tell us why. I mean, the people that criticize the Ronald Reagan era for bankrupting the country.
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, it--it really is not fair. He proposed to cut tax rates. The Democrats in Congress panicked and said, `We can't let them get away with this,' so they doubled him. They made the increase in cuts far more extensive than he had asked for, and it was very difficult for him to veto it, after all. And then the Democrats in Congress proceeded, over the next eight to 10 years, to spend far more money than economic growth, in all rationality, would have persuaded them to spend.

They--I think, really, they were quite deli--deliberate in their irresponsibility, and they kept inventing programs, giving them as entitlements, regardless of the financial consequences. And they had managed to persuade a lot of people in the media it was Ronald Reagan who is responsible for the increase in the deficit. He's not. He tried to veto many of those bills. He could not because the Democrats controlled Congress, and so he was forced, willy-nilly, if you're going to have a budget at all--and Mr. Clinton is going to discover this--you just have to go along, in the end, with Congress. And he did not bankrupt the country. He did--he tried to control spending. He was just in too weak a position to do so.
LAMB: So you just wash your hands of any of the problems today that were brought about by supply-side economics.
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, the problems ex--they weren't brought about by supply-side economics. They were brought about, I would say, by irresponsible congressional expenditures. But it doesn't matter. The problems are real. I mean, they're with us. I mean, Medicare, Medicaid, things that originally were thought to involve the expenditure of perhaps a few billion dollars suddenly are s--going at the rate of tens of billions of dollars, which no one really anticipated, but which a thoughtful person might have-not anticipated, but say at some point, `We have to take another look and check it out.' So I will defend Ronald Reagan's economic policies. I think he's been given a raw deal by liberal publicists.
LAMB: You've got 493 total pages in your book. Out of this, what would you say that you bel--you feel the strongest about when it comes to your beliefs and--and in order of importance?
Mr. KRISTOL: I think that I feel strongest about those pages-and there aren't that many--which deal with my personal feelings and my personal beliefs about being a father, being a husband. I think these came from the bottom of my spiritual depths, so to speak, and I have a personal relationship to those short articles that I don't have to a more philosophical article.
LAMB: Where do you write? Where?
Mr. KRISTOL: On my lap. I write by hand, on my lap, at home.
LAMB: Have you always done it that way?
Mr. KRISTOL: Years ago I used to type, but my hands got tired, and I was never a good typist, and I found that writing by pen on a yellow pad was much more relaxing and I enjoyed writing more.
LAMB: Is there a certain time of day that you enjoy it the most?
Mr. KRISTOL: Only in the morning. I write only early in the morning. My mind is fresh then.
LAMB: And is there a way that you prepare to write? I mean, do you spend days before you're ready to sit down and...
Mr. KRISTOL: I think I brood. I meditate, yes. But sometimes I actually take notes if I'm going to write something long, but if I'm going to write a shorter piece for The Journal, say, I just brood on it for some days and then sit down and write and see what happens.
LAMB: You suggest that you wrote a piece once on Joseph McCarthy that really made people react strongly.
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes.
LAMB: What was that about?
Mr. KRISTOL: Well, it was during the McCarthy goings-on, and, of course, I was anti-McCarthy, as we all were at Commentary magazine, where I was then the managing editor. And I wrote this piece attacking a lot of the Communist fellow travelers, who were being either fairly or unfairly attacked by Senator McCarthy. Some of them were being fairly attacked, I do believe. And I s--explained why McCarthy was so popular, whereas the liberal intellectuals were having so much trouble. And I wrote one sentence which did the trick.

The sentence was to the effect that the one thing American people know about Senator McCarthy is that he's an anti-Communist. They don't know this about the liberal intellectuals, with some good reason, because so many of the liberal intellectuals were fellow travelers at the time. And for some reason, that got me into disfavor with a lot of people, both for calling McCarthy an anti-Communist--they said he wasn't sincerely an anti-Communist. Well, I don't know that he was sincere about anything, but that's not the issue. He was certainly perceived to be a sincere anti-communist. And, of course, a lot of the intellectuals thought I was being unfair to liberal intellectuals.

On the whole, I don't think I was. I mean, I wasn't attacking all liberal intellectuals. The particular article attacked those-I recall three who were demonstrably very foolish about Soviet communism, had very naive and childish ideas about what kind of system it was and what potential threat it was to us, and this exposed liberals in general to a lot of ridicule and considerable scorn.
LAMB: Ag--again, there's one individual that leads the way in your book, who is mentioned the most often. Do you have any idea who that might be?
Mr. KRISTOL: No.
LAMB: Karl Marx. Why would you so often mention Karl Marx? What would be the reason? What's the--what role has he played in our-our lifetime?
Mr. KRISTOL: Huh. Well, of course, Karl Marx founded the doctrine that established the Soviet regime, and, in a sense, the whole-the whole Cold War was a testimony to the power--testament to the power of Karl Marx's ideas. You ask of the influence of ideas. I mean, just imagine a great power, a totalitarian system, threatening the rest of the world all based on Karl Marx's ideas, as interpreted by Lenin, as it happens, but nevertheless his ideas. And Lenin did not distort his ideas, just carried them along to what seemed to be their logical conclusions.

Now since so many of these essays were written during the Cold War period, I guess that's why I mention Marx, though Marx was a very shrewd thinker, a very shrewd political tactician, infantile in his aspirations, but he was very learned. He took ideas seriously. He thought ideas had consequences, and I suppose that I may have mentioned him out of respect for a worthy opponent.
LAMB: Do--what do you think the--his li--if people 100 years from now were thinking about Irving Kristol and the life you led and pick this book up and thought about ideas that came out of your writings over the years, how would your world and your life have differed from what Karl Marx's life was back--back in the 1800s and the role of the printed word in the society?
Mr. KRISTOL: I don't know that there would be that much difference, you know. I mean, there was not much higher education--or less higher education in those days, but nevertheless the ideas generated by the intellectual classes had tremendous impact on society, as they do today. Somehow people don't think that the printed word is as important today as it was 100, 150 years ago, and a lot of people seem not to think that the printed word is going to be as important 100 years from now as compared with what it is today. I think they're both wrong.

I think the printed word is the--is the place where ideas get generated. Now television can take them over, the other media can take them over, movies can take them over, the newsmagazines can take them over. But the printed words, particularly those developed by the intellectual community, are the source of the ideas by which people define their place in the world and the destiny of their country.
LAMB: Would this book that you've written here--would you want people to pick this up in 100 years and say, `That's Irving Kristol'?
Mr. KRISTOL: Sure.
LAMB: Is it right here?
Mr. KRISTOL: I don't want them--I don't want them to confuse me with anyone else.
LAMB: No, but is this the work that you would want them most to read?
Mr. KRISTOL: Yes. Yes. For better or worse.
LAMB: You know...
Mr. KRISTOL: I'm committed to that book.
LAMB: ...since this program started, we've had over 325 authors, and I've always wondered--I mean, I always ask, `How many of these s--books do you sell?' It was interesting to hear--see you write in this book about one of your favorite people--and I'm not sure I even pronounce it right--Michael Oakeshott?
Mr. KRISTOL: Oakeshott, yes.
LAMB: ...who--you published a book of his, and it only sold 600 copies.
Mr. KRISTOL: Exactly.
LAMB: Was that a failure?
Mr. KRISTOL: Very disappointing. Y--oh, was it a failure? Yes.
LAMB: Who was he?
Mr. KRISTOL: He was a professor of politics at the London School of Economics. He succeeded Harold Laski in that chair at LSE, and he was a conservative, which created a scandal since the idea of Harold Laski being s--who was a socialist, being succeeded by a conservative upset a lot of people. He was a brilliant thinker and a brilliant writer, but a little offbeat so far as the United States was concerned. I mean, he was very English. He died only--What?--seven, eight, 10 years ago or something like that--and a very elegant writer, and some of his essays, I think, are classical.
LAMB: How many years did you teach total?
Mr. KRISTOL: Seventeen.
LAMB: You write a lot about your early teachers in here and people that you admire. What do you think makes a good teacher?
Mr. KRISTOL: Oh, there are many things that make a good teacher. One is you have to respect your students; that is to say, I mean, you have to think that what you're saying means something to them. If it doesn't mean something to them, which we would call, I guess, a failure to communicate, then you're not teaching well. I mean, there's no excuse for students not understanding what you're saying. Whatever level the students may be at, it's your job to make them understand what you're saying and, if possible in the process, stretch their minds.

I think there are an awful lot of good college teachers in this country who do exactly that, but, of course, after you've taught for a long period of time, certain routinasion--routinization sets in, and you begin to go through the motions, and you lose your energy and your inspiration, and the new faces blur with the old faces. There's something to be said for a professor retiring after 20 years.
LAMB: What made Leo Strauss such a favorite of everyone?
Mr. KRISTOL: Because he cared passionately about his ideas, and he conveyed that passion to his students. He didn't have that many students, but the passion for ideas caused his students, in turn, to really engage in the passionate study of ideas, and they, in turn, encouraged their students to engage in the passionate study of ideas. So in that sense, he was a very great teacher.
LAMB: Of all the 41 essays and the 39-page introduction that you said is the most important part of this, which other essays are you--do you think are the most important in here, the one that captures the essence of what you think? Any one in particular?
Mr. KRISTOL: You want me to look at the table of contents?
LAMB: Well, we're about running out of time. You know, you have the--the--the section on history and capitalism, the democratic idea, the section about some backward glances: Cold Warrior, Trotskyists,Cold War--any of those...
Mr. KRISTOL: Aside from the me--I think the memoir is the nicest part of the book, but--I mean, there's one little essay there on, you know, the c--which is essentially about the cultural contradictions of capitalism, which is the title of a book by--that my friend and former colleague, Daniel Bell, wrote, namely the kinds of problems that a capitalist system experiences as it moves away from an older, bourgeois ethos into a modern corporate ethos. I think that stands up well today, and it's still a big problem for American and modern capitalism in general.
LAMB: What's your prediction for the future in this country?
Mr. KRISTOL: I think the country will survive. I'm an optimist, or perhaps I should say I'm a cheerful pessimist. I refuse to be discouraged. And terrible things are going on in the world and terrible things are going on in this country, but I've lived long enough now to live through lots of terrible things, and I'm optimistic about the future of this country.
LAMB: Here's the cover of the book: "The Autobiography of an Idea: Neo-Conservatism, Selected Essays 1949-1995," and our guest has been Irving Kristol. Thank you.
Mr. KRISTOL: Thank you.


Copyright National Cable Satellite Corporation 1995. Personal, noncommercial use of this transcript is permitted. No commercial, political or other use may be made of this transcript without the express permission of National Cable Satellite Corporation.
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Niall Ferguson: The Great Degeneration

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An excerpt from Niall Ferguson’s “The Great Degeneration”

TheGreatDegeneration_150dpi



The voguish explanation for the Western slowdown is ‘deleveraging’: the painful process of debt reduction (or balance sheet repair). Certainly, there are few precedents for the scale of debt in the West today. This is only the second time in American history that combined public and private debt has exceeded 250 per cent of GDP. In a survey of fifty countries, the McKinsey Global Institute identifies forty-five episodes of deleveraging since 1930. In only eight was the initial debt/GDP ratio above 250 per cent, as it is today not only in the US but also in all the major English-speaking countries (including Australia and Canada), all the major continental European countries (including Germany), plus Japan and South Korea. The deleveraging argument is that households and banks are struggling to reduce their debts, having gambled foolishly on ever rising property prices. But as they have sought to spend less and save more, aggregate demand has slumped. To prevent this process from generating a lethal debt deflation, governments and central banks have stepped in with fiscal and monetary stimulus unparalleled in time of peace. Public sector deficits have helped to mitigate the contraction, but they risk transforming a crisis of excess private debt into a crisis of excess public debt. In the same way, the expansion of central bank balance sheets (the monetary base) prevented a cascade of bank failures, but now appears to have diminishing returns in terms of reflation and growth.

Yet more is going on here than just deleveraging. Consider this: the US economy created 2.6 million jobs in the three years beginning in June 2009. In the same period, 3.1 million workers signed up for disability benefits. The percentage of working-age Americans collecting disability insurance rose from below 3 per cent in 1990 to 6 per cent. Unemployment is being concealed – and rendered permanent – in ways all too familiar to Europeans. Able-bodied people claim to be disabled and never work again. And they also stay put. Traditionally around 3 per cent of the US population moves to a new state each year, usually in pursuit of work. That rate has halved since the financial crisis began in 2007. Social mobility has also declined. And, unlike the Great Depression of the 1930s, our ‘Slight Depression’ is doing little to reduce the yawning inequality in income distribution that has developed over the past three decades. The income share of the top one per cent of households rose from 9 per cent in 1970 to 24 per cent in 2007. It declined by less than four percentage points in the subsequent three years of crisis.

You cannot blame all this on deleveraging. In the United States, the wider debate is about globalization, technological change, education and fiscal policy. Conservatives tend to emphasize the first and second as inexorable drivers of change, destroying low-skilled jobs by ‘offshoring’ or automating them. Liberals prefer to see widening inequality as the result of insufficient investment in public education, combined with Republican reductions in taxation that have favoured the wealthy. But there is good reason to think that there are other forces at work – forces that tend to get overlooked in the tiresomely parochial slanging match that passes for political debate in the United States today.

The crisis of public finance is not uniquely American. Japan, Greece, Italy, Ireland and Portugal are also members of the club of countries with public debts in excess of 100 per cent of GDP. India had an even larger cyclically adjusted deficit than the United States in 2010, while Japan faced a bigger challenge to stabilize its debt/GDP ratio at a sustainable level. Nor are the twin problems of slow growth and widening inequality confined to the United States. Throughout the English-speaking world, the income share of the top ‘1 per cent’ of households has risen since around 1980. The same thing has happened, albeit to a lesser extent, in some European states, notably Finland, Norway and Portugal, as well as in many emerging markets, including China. Already in 2010 there were at least 800,000 dollar millionaires in China and sixty-five billionaires. Of the global ‘1 per cent’ in 2010, 1.6 million were Chinese, approaching 4 per cent of the total. Yet other countries, including Europe’s most successful economy, Germany, have not become more unequal, while some less developed countries, notably Argentina, have become less equal without becoming more global.

By definition, globalization has affected all countries to some degree. So, too, has the revolution in information technology. Yet the outcomes in terms of growth and distribution vary hugely. To explain these differences, a narrowly economic approach is not sufficient. Take the case of excessive debt or leverage. Any highly indebted economy confronts a narrow range of options. There are essentially three:
1. raising the rate of growth above the rate of interest thanks to technological innovation and (perhaps) a judicious use of monetary stimulus;

2. defaulting on a large proportion of the public debt and going into bankruptcy to escape the private debt; and

3. wiping out of debts via currency depreciation and inflation.

But nothing in mainstream economic theory can predict which of these three – or which combination – a particular country will select. Why did post-1918 Germany go down the road of hyperinflation? Why did post-1929 America go down the road of private default and bankruptcy? Why not the other way round? At the time of writing, it seems less and less likely that any major developed economy will be able to inflate away its liabilities as happened in many cases in the 1920s and 1950s. But why not? Milton Friedman’s famous dictum that inflation is ‘always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon’ leaves unanswered the questions of who creates the excess money and why they do it. In practice, inflation is primarily a political phenomenon. Its likelihood is a function of factors like the content of elite education; competition (or the lack of it) in an economy; the character of the legal system; levels of violence; and the political decision-making process itself. Only by historical methods can we explain why, over the past thirty years, so many countries created forms of debt that, by design, cannot be inflated away; and why, as a result, the next generation will be saddled for life with liabilities incurred by their parents and grandparents.
———
1 McKinsey Global Institute, Debt and Deleveraging: The Global Credit Bubble and its Economic Consequences (January 2010).
ii Peter Berezin, ‘The Weak U.S. Labor Market: Mainly a Cyclical Problem … for Now’, Bank Credit Analyst, 64, 1 (July 2012), p. 40.
iii See e.g. Jeffrey Sachs, The Price of Civilization: Reawakening American Virtue and Prosperity (New York, 2011).
iv See e.g. International Monetary Fund, ‘Navigating the Fiscal Challenges Ahead’, Fiscal Monitor, 14 May 2010.
v Anthony B. Atkinson, Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, ‘Top Incomes in the Long Run of History’, Journal of Economic Literature, 49, 1 (2011), pp. 3–71.
vi Credit Suisse, Global Wealth Databook (October 2010), tables 3-1, 3-3 and 3-4.
vii For a brilliant analysis, see Jamil Baz, ‘Current Crisis Merely a Warm-up Act’, Financial Times, 11 July 2012.

Discussions

1 comment from 1 person

SpoAct commented

comment author avatar
First let me start by pointing out most regulation Conservatives hate are from local governments which are mostly controlled by Republican legislators.
Second, if our economy is failing it’s because of the low grade thought processes involved with the long range fiscal planning of the Republican Party since 1980.
Republicans believe Corporations have a right to do as they please. Most card carrying conservatives are so ignorant they don’t even know their own ideological CREDO. “Limited intervention in the economy. Substantial intervention in morality”. This means let the RICH do whatever they please while finger pointing and preaching to the average Joe and Jane Smuck.
Reagan/Bush killed ANTI-TRUST and any regulation that kept industry HONEST. When Reagan/Bush came to power, the USA was #1 on the planet in exporting goods and importing raw materials. This is the very definition of a prosperous economy. In 2007, it is the exact opposite. Why? Years of Republicans selling out the American middle class, that’s why.
Oh and let’s not forget Reagan union busting and DEREGULATION, the root of ALL future Corporate scandal.
A long list of legislation starting with “fiscal conservatism” and “trickle down economics” led to the decline in federal aid to local governments from $64 per resident in 1980 to $29 in 1992. To REPLACE the lost funding, a mandate for LAW ENFORCEMENT and Criminal Justice (sic) System to generate revenue for itself, State and local governments. PROFIT margins created a government VS. the PEOPLE mentality.
NOTE: (Sunday, April 16, 2000 Press-Enterprise B-1 article titled “San Bernardino County leads nation in forfeitures” WHAT? Joseph D. Mcnamara, a research fellow at Stanford University and former police chief in San Jose, said: “I think in general it’s a BAD MISTAKE to have the police interested in anything other than the pursuit of justice
Add the special interest pandering which further separated the PEOPLE from “LIFE, LIBERTY, HAPPINESS, EQUAL RIGHTS and JUSTICE”. As a mater of fact JUSTICE became a commodity bought and sold by the wealth, powerful and well-connected.
NOTE: (Robert Ito in Los Angeles Magazine writes: “…YES, the $40 BILLION dollar private prison business is recession proof. The Corrections Corporation of America controlled 52% of the domestic market. Net income grew 75% in 1997, it’s stock doubled…”  YEA! Ask Bob Barker about investing in the jail/prison industry. Bob Barker plastic soap dishes, jail shoes… and how can one strip down, bend over and COUGH without thinking of Bob Barker latex examination glovers?)

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Niall Ferguson

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Niall Ferguson on the hot seat

… on robbing the young and what he really meant by that crack about Keynes
by macleans.ca and Bookmarked on Monday, June 17, 2013 5:00am - 16 Comments
 
On robbing the young, Canada’s advantage and what he really meant by that crack about Keynes

Richard Cannon

The often controversial Niall Ferguson, 49, is one of the world’s most prominent historians. A specialist in international and economic history, a professor at Harvard and a senior research fellow at Oxford, Ferguson is the author of The Ascent of Money and Civilization: The West and the Rest, among other works. Married to feminist and atheist activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali, the British-American scholar is also a vocal critic of U.S. President Barack Obama. Ferguson’s latest book, The Great Degeneration, which originated in 2012 as the BBC’s prestigious Reith Lectures, condemns what he sees as an era of decline in the West, pinning the blame on our deteriorating institutions.

Q: You have a reputation, rightly or wrongly, as a Western triumphalist, and now you’re writing about Western decline. Is this an about-turn?

A: I’m not sure there’s anything triumphalist about the writing I’ve done. In both Empire and Colossus I argued that it was highly unlikely that the United States could replicate British-style empire. Colossus is a pessimistic book— its subtitle was actually The Rise and Fall of the American Empire. That was 2004. Civilization similarly was a book about the end of Western ascendancy. So I think this book is a fairly natural sequel. There are people who like to pretend that I am a neo-conservative triumphalist, which I never was. They just never bothered to read my books because it’s much easier just to make these things up.


Q: In Civilization you wrote how the spread of the West’s “killer apps”—essentially its good institutions and practices—ended its hegemony, but now your focus is not on everyone else catching up but real decline in the West.

A: There are two unrelated processes at work, one of which was essentially benign, and that is the rest of the world getting better at economic and political organization. That’s fine. The second process is insidious: Western societies are getting less good at being the West. That’s the central theme of The Great Degeneration—the institutions that used to be particularly strong in North America and in Western Europe are not as good as they were. The book is an attempt to say, “Look, here are some perhaps not so obvious institutional pathologies we should try to cure.” Some of them are U.S.-specific, and I think it’s worth saying that in many respects Canada is in a better place institutionally on actually most of these issues: the public finances are better, you don’t have quite the same hypertrophic financial regulation and so on. Some of the problems are specifically European and indeed, you know, if one’s talking about really bad Western institutional degeneration, look no further than Italy. But it’s possible to see variations on this theme in most places in the developed world, including Canada, and it makes sense to talk about them as a general Western phenomenon.

Q: Your definition of institutions is broad, and you divide your degenerations over democracy, law, financial regulation and the decline of civil society. Why do you stress law and regulation over democracy?

A: The story of institutional history is best thought of in terms of laws and the different legal systems that evolved. That’s under-emphasized in what we tell ourselves about Western history. In the cartoon version we attach more importance to democracy, but democracy can’t really explain that much about Western success because it’s a relatively late phenomenon—Western ascendancy after 1500 is clearly based on an institutional secret sauce other than universal suffrage, which essentially comes in the 20th century. The critical issue is that the executive is subordinate to the law, and that’s what makes the 1688 Glorious Revolution important in the case of England. And it’s clear that the most important issue in China is not should they have elections, which seems a long way off, but should the [Communist] party be subject to an independent judiciary, which it currently isn’t. That’s the big question that remains to be resolved there, and it will be resolved pretty soon. We should recognize what are the really important institutional changes and not kid ourselves that if you hold elections in, say, Egypt, everything’s going to be fine.

Q: The worst of the democratic deterioration, as you describe it, lies in contemporary politics’ selfishness, the way it’s broken what Edmund Burke called the intergenerational pact.

A: Under democracy, the young and unborn are always disenfranchised and it doesn’t really matter whether there are lots of them or relatively few of them. What we’ve seen post-1945 is that they are potential victims of a consistent policy that postpones payment, championed by politicians who desperately want the costs of whatever they do to be borne by future generations. It boils down to intergenerational inequity. We should just start accounting honestly for public finances instead of using these dodgy conventions that any company could be convicted of fraud for using. Start looking at governments in the way that we look at companies and ask, “Where’s the balance sheet? What are the liabilities? What are the assets? What is the time horizon beyond 10 years?” It’s a scandal the U.S. government and the Congressional Budget Office only rarely look beyond that time frame. We need to start a long overdue overhaul of the conventions of public accounting. Now, Canada is in a much better place, partly because of fiscal reform, partly because of demographics, partly because of resource endowment, but that’s not an argument for not doing things. In fact, a country like Canada would benefit, would look better, if we had honest public accounting, because we would then see that the Canadian balance sheet is way better than the U.S. balance sheet

Q: You were talking about this issue when you made your ill-considered joke about economist John Maynard Keynes not caring about the future since, as a gay man, he had no children.
A: What I should have said—instead of that unfortunate aside which then took on vast significance, greater than every single book I’ve ever written—is that Keynes was reacting to what he saw as excessive Victorian concern about later generations. He actually did say, “Those walk most truly in the paths of virtue and sane wisdom who take least thought for the morrow.” That’s Keynes. So I think the point that he was inclined to discount the future is a valid one; my mistake was to link that to his sexual orientation.

Q: You write that institutions weaken the power of clans. Do they have to do so in order to be effective?

A: Yes, that’s enormously important. Long ago Scotland was notoriously a clan society, but now, as a Ferguson, I don’t feel any great kinship with Sir Alex Ferguson, Sarah Ferguson or any other Ferguson. It’s extremely difficult to run a law-based society when the claims of clan transcend the claims of law, and this is a major problem in large parts of the underdeveloped world to this day. In places like China you have something slightly looser, guanxi, the idea of connections, which don’t necessarily correlate to kinship, especially post-Cultural Revolution, post-one-child policy when the kinship structures have kind of fallen apart. But there’s still a sense that you do things for connections and not because of or by the rules, and that’s a really difficult transition to make, but Scotland made it. When I’m trying to cheer myself up about the prospects of, say, Afghanistan, I remind myself that Scotland was the Afghanistan of 17th-century Europe, warring mountain tribesmen and religious zealots in the lowlands, and 100 years later you have the Scottish Enlightenment.

Q: Among the many enemies of the rule of law, you single out bad law. Why?

A: I argue that we have fallen into the trap of believing that very, very complex laws addressing every conceivable contingency are good but, in fact, common-law systems in England and in North America were once highly conducive to economic innovation because they adapted, they were evolutionary, rather than prescriptive. We have slipped into what I call codification mania, a very dangerous road to go down, leading to the rule of law being replaced by rule by lawyers because the rules are no longer transparent or simple, nor is access to justice relatively easy.

Q: Another problem with our politics and our regulation is that they have become penalty-free. There are no exemplary hangings of bankers such as Voltaire said the English used to inflict on their admirals—pour encourager les autres. Why is there no longer a penalty for reckless mistakes and negligence?

A: This is a puzzling thing, and I think it’s one of the unintended consequences of the regulatory pathology. If you create these enormous edifices of regulation, as well as choking growth, you make it so all people have to do to stay out of jail is be compliant. They don’t have to necessarily do the right thing, they just have to be able to say, “We complied with the regulations,” and then if there’s any further issue there’s a civil suit and you pay your $100-million fine and carry on, which was the case in more than a few instances during the financial crisis. There’s no discretion for a supervisory authority to say, “This is a bad guy, we’re going to revoke his licence,” or even send him to jail.


Leave a message...
  • Avatar
    philofra20 days ago

    Ferguson loves Empire. He wishes the British Empire was still existed. In a way he is retro and lives in the past. After all, he is an historian.
    One of the few things he is right about is about clans and institutions, that institutions transcend and defuse the horrid nature of clans. This is the problem in the Middle East, too many clans still vying for power.
  • Avatar
    EmilyOne19 days ago

    Niall Ferguson has just discovered he put his money on the wrong horse.
    "The West won the world not by the superiority of its
    ideas or values or religion but rather by its superiority in applying organized
    violence. Westerners often forget this fact, non-Westerners never do."
    Samuel P. Huntington
    • Avatar
      Derek EmilyOne19 days ago

      The problem with that thesis is that the ability to exercise force over the long term depended on the values, ideas and religion. No sane person would have bet on the British Navy against the power of the French, Spanish and Dutch who outnumbered and outgunned them. But the hidebound structures allowed a lesser force to prevail.
      If Mr Huntington was right we would all be speaking German.
      • Avatar
        EmilyOne Derek19 days ago

        No, it depended on the same military that did the conquering in the first place.
        The US spends a trillion a year on their military.
        Germany wasn't that well armed, but they were damned mad about WWI reparations....and everybody else was having a Depression.
        On edit: The US won every battle in Vietnam.....the Vietcong won the war
        • Avatar
          Frenchie77 EmilyOne19 days ago

          Or maybe we'd all speak mongolian (I assume Khan spoke Mongolian, but maybe some odd dialect).
          Khan kicked a$$, everywhere - but his culture, values, ideas, disappeared from europe as fast as his carcass. We are much more influenced by the Greeks than Khan.
          I know that the left can never, ever admit that the superiority of the west came from its values, idea, culture religion - this would imply that there is something 'better' about western culture than the rest of the world.
          In the end, if you are going to win the world then you certainly need an army to do so.
          If you are going to keep the world, you need 'a little more.'
          The US is losing the world now, because those ideas and values which brought it to greatness have been and are being corrupted, not because the military is weak. I believe the point about Vietname proves this better than anything.
          • Avatar
            EmilyOne Frenchie7719 days ago

            There is nothing superior about the west.....it's just a specific time in history. A time we are fast losing.
            Lots of civilizations thought they were the best....superior.....and they are gone now
            The US peaked when they finally showed up at the end of WWII and hasn't won anything since
            And now, even after a trillion a year.....Afghans tossed them out. No navy, no airforce, no army even.....same as the Vietnamese that they used to call little guys in pyjamas.
          • Avatar
            F,A Frenchie7717 days ago

            "We are much more influenced by the Greeks than Khan"
            ... To some extent yes, much of the Greek wealth was built from slave labour, and same for America. Where are the mighty Greeks now?
            Middle Eastern influences ... written words, the decimal system, Engineering, Architecture and others. Things we apply and enjoy in everyday life. Some artifacts and cultures destroyed but wisdom retained and will be passed on forever.
            • Avatar
              Frenchie77 F,A17 days ago

              The left continually slams America for slavery but seldom recognizes that a very, very bloody civil war was fought ( one of the major reasons was slavery) and which ended it. They already paid, with an enormous amount of blood, for their sins of slavery.
              I don't want to digress into a thread on slavery, but for me if you can't even get this right then I just stop reading.
    • Avatar
      Frenchie77 EmilyOne19 days ago

      Armies aren't free. You need a strong economy to have a strong army for any length of time.
      But I digress, so tell me - which horse should he have bet on?
      • Avatar
        EmilyOne Frenchie7719 days ago

        Yeah, Rome tried that. It's called Imperial Overstretch.
        If Ferguson was trying for accuracy he'd have talked about globalization....but if he was picking economic horses he'd have gone with China.
  • Avatar
    robert quinn19 days ago

    Keynes was a dedicated pedophile. If he wasn't an icon of the Left, he'd be rightly excoriated as just another Bloomsbury chicken hawk.
    • Avatar
      EmilyOne robert quinn19 days ago

      He was neither gay nor a pedophile....he was bisexual
      If you folks would ever use a dictionary.....!
      • Avatar
        robert quinn EmilyOne19 days ago

        "He was neither gay nor a pedophile...he was bisexual."
        That comic line deserved a second airing. Good grief, Emily, this public school dit frequented various sordid warrens of iniquity from Tunis to Istanbul throughout his academic career...and boasted of his urchin 'conquests' in letters to Strachey, Wolfe, and others in his special little group of secular antinomians. The precise 'dictionary' term for his short-eye depredations would actually be 'diddler'.
        Face it, Em. Your favourite economist ran through Turkish rent-boys faster than a goth queen and eye shadow. But he gets the pinko pass because he's the patron saint of rent-seekers. It is what it is.
  •  
    URLNTS18 days ago

    Typical right wing bore who likes to hear himself talk!Looked quite the ass on Bill Maher,but that's nothing new either!

Remembering Denny

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The Burden of Promise: REMEMBERING DENNY: By Calvin Trillin (Farrar Straus & Giroux: $19; 210 pp.)

RICHARD EDER

April 04, 1993|RICHARD EDER

At the 1991 memorial service in the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies, some were there for the professor they knew as Roger D. Hansen. Others were there for the man they knew as Denny.
The Roger people--Hansen's colleagues--recalled a tense, solitary figure who suffered from back pain, was prickly and intransigent, and had published a good book on economic development 20 years earlier but no longer wrote much. Despite an unusual mind, he had turned out something of a professional disappointment. He had, furthermore, committed suicide.

The Denny people had a different image. They remembered a golden youth they knew at Yale in the 1950s and in Washington for a few years afterward. He had been an athlete, a brilliant student, a member of Scroll and Keys--the secret society which, like its Skull and Bones rival, is restricted to 15 top seniors--and a Rhodes Scholar. Endowed with warmth and charm, he was the student selected by Life magazine for a graduation profile meant to celebrate Yale's role in forming the nation's leaders. His friends, top Yalies themselves, told each other he was sure to be President.
What became of all the gold? It was the question that the Denny people asked each other at the service, and at a reunion afterward. It is the question around which Calvin Trillin organizes the fluid and sensitive explorations of his "Remembering Denny."
In part, he sounds a traditional theme: the petering out of youthful promise. He touches on the nature of the '50s generation and its oddly passive expectations of inheritance. He touches on the generational skip that hopped over these expectations--we went right from Bush to Clinton--and, more elusively, on the images and implications of American success.
Touches on is the key. Trillin's book is a very personal and intuitive meditation. He was a friend and classmate of Denny's and a fellow member of Scroll and Keys. Like Denny, he came from a modest background--his father was a St. Louis grocer, Denny's a Redwood City marine inspector. As chairman of the Yale Daily News, Trillin also made it into the elite, though less spectacularly and, it turned out, less damagingly. Not only is the author justly celebrated as a fine and perceptive writer, but he is a member of the Yale Corporation, its top governing body. Nobody needs to Remember Calvin; he is the Rememberer.
He explores his classmate's story as far as he can: who he was, what went on under the bright surface, how things began to fade. The result is inconclusive and the image of Denny is almost as impalpable at the end as at the beginning. His time at Oxford was a setback; the professors there didn't find him as brilliant as his Yale professors did.
He moved to Washington, worked as a senatorial aide, and hung out with a number of other Georgetown Yalies and comers. Instead of going into politics, as his friends had hoped, he took a master's degree at Princeton, worked as a beginning television reporter, switched back to academia, held a job briefly and unsuccessfully as a Third World development expert in the Carter Administration, and quit to return to teaching. He avoided his old friends and stopped sending biographical bits to the Yale and Rhodes alumni publications. His colleagues found him stimulating but hard to get along with. He went into analysis at one point to address his problems in dealing with authority, and also because he worried about his homosexual impulses. Toward the end of his life, he had several discreet gay relationships.

Trillin muses on the strain Denny may have been under at Yale in the '50s, when it was unthinkable that an all-American prince could have gay feelings. He reports classmates' recollections of moodiness under the unforgettable smile. He notes that Denny had cut virtually all ties with his family in California. He quotes a graduate student who is distressed by all the allusions to Denny's promise. "The way I see promise is that you have a knapsack, and all the time you're growing up they keep stuffing promise into the knapsack. Pretty soon, it's just too heavy to carry. You have to unpack."
He doesn't lean too heavily on any of this. As we read, in fact, we do not so much perceive a golden promise unfulfilled as wonder what it consisted of. One suspects a certain deliberate irony in Trillin's selection of the more portentous quotes at the service and the subsequent reunion. "In some ways," one friend says, "what we have here is not the death of an ordinary person. What we have here is an extremely complicated tragedy." Another friend speaks of Denny's "inquisitive, energetic and imaginative mind" and "piercing wit."
In fact, Trillin never conveys the piercing wit or imagination. Nor does he communicate to us the image of a shining youth or even of any very distinct youth at all. For a while we may feel oversold, until we realize that this is not what the author is selling.
Elusively, sometimes tangentially, and with a perceptiveness that only occasionally calls attention to itself, Trillin is recording a time, a place and an illusion. The time, of course, was the '50s, when American fortunes seemed secure and the only trick was to get your hands on a piece of them. The place was Yale, which selected and manicured those hands in the confidence that making it at the university meant making it in life. (At Harvard, incidentally, which I went to about the same time, the myth of golden campus heroes was less powerful. There, to be golden was one more subspecialty, like protozoan microbiology or the passion of a student I knew for collecting interurban streetcar schedules.)
The illusion, which Trillin punctures gracefully and not without tenderness, was that success, if you found it young, could become your destination and not an interurban streetcar stop liable at any moment to be discontinued.


Los Angeles Times Articles


...and I am Sid Harth

The Other America

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BooksThe (Still) Relevant SocialistIllustration by Scott Laumann

Michael Harrington, the author of The Other America, was the most charismatic figure on the American left in the past half century. His case for a democratic socialism takes on new meaning in the age of globalization
by Harold Meyerson
(The online version of this article appears in two parts. Click here to go to part two.)

THE OTHER AMERICAN
The Life of Michael Harrington
by Maurice Isserman.
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FROM the mid-1950s through the late 1980s one of the high points of life on the American left was a Michael Harrington speech. For thousands of listeners, in fact, a Harrington speech marked the starting point of their own life on the left. Harrington was a more accomplished and prolific writer than either Eugene Debs or Norman Thomas, his two predecessors in the role of America's pre-eminent socialist, but like Debs and Thomas, he won the majority of his converts through the power of the spoken word.
Discuss this article in the Politics & Society conference of Post & Riposte. More on politics and society in The Atlantic Monthly and Atlantic Unbound.
From the archives:
"The Unfinished War," by Nicholas Lemann (December 1988)
A product of the conflicting ambitions of the men who shaped it, the War on Poverty was ill-fated -- but its fate need not be that of all anti-poverty programs.
"The New Inequality," by Thomas Byrne Edsall (June 1988)
"It is a tribute to the impact that Harrington's book had on public discussion and policy alike that poverty has since become, at least episodically, visible. The new inequality, however, is intrinsically invisible."
From Atlantic Unbound:
Interviews: The Next Left
A conversation with philosopher Richard Rorty, who beseeches the American Left to "kick the philosophy habit."
Elsewhere on the Web
Links to related material on other Web sites.
Information for Socialists
A general information site for people interested in socialism and socialist politics.
War On Poverty
Lyndon Johnson's 1964 speech declaring a national war on poverty.
1960s Anti-War Movement
Learn about the protests, violence, politics, campus unrest, and counterculture surrounding the Vietnam War.
Students for a Democratic Society, The Port Huron Statement(1962)
Read The Port Huron Statement, written by university students in 1962.
Communist Party U.S.A.
We are a Marxist-Leninist working-class party that unites Black, Brown and white, men and women, youth and seniors.
A Harrington speech was both a tour de force and a tour de horizon -- an argument, invariably, for the moral vision and practical advantages of democratic socialism, tailored to the causes and controversies of the moment, buttressed by a scholarly consideration of social trends and statistics, strengthened by Harrington's habit of entertaining opposing arguments before dispatching them. He provided listeners with something that was none too easy to find elsewhere on the left: a sense of historical context, of how their own activism fit into a larger pattern they might otherwise have trouble discerning, of where they stood, broadly speaking, in the flow of history. And he provided them with one thing more: an overwhelming sense of the moral urgency that underlay his critique of capitalism. I was one of Harrington's converts and comrades, and during the seventies and eighties, when I worked with him, I must have heard about a hundred of his talks. I'm quoted once in Maurice Isserman's fine new biography of Harrington, The Other American, and that is to appraise Harrington as "the last white boy in America who could give a speech." But then, Harrington was schooled in a culture of argumentation that would be hard to replicate today. He learned rigor and logic from the Jesuits, rigor and irony from the Shachtmanites (a Socialist sect that looked to Leon Trotsky as the model rhetorician), and then leavened these influences with his affinity for poetry, his vestigial Irish lilt and midwestern twang, his Greenwich Village cosmopolitanism, his generosity of spirit, his willingness to confess doubt, his unflagging optimism, his enduring boyishness -- ultimately, I suppose, his American-ness. No one else could weave Marx, Lenin, Karl Kautsky, and Willy Brandt into a talk and still sound like the boy -- the brilliant boy -- next door.
And there was the voice itself. Harrington once told me that an opera coach had rushed up to him after one speech to say, "You have such incredible timbre!" His close colleague Irving Howe referred to "Mike's piercing alto," and William F. Buckley Jr., who debated Harrington nearly forty times from the 1950s through the 1980s, to his "evangelist's pitch of voice."
The evangelical metaphor isn't a bad one. Harrington held out the prospect of neither certitude nor salvation in his talks, but there was always an unspoken subtext to his speeches: If this cause is as urgent as I've demonstrated, as plausible as I've shown, and so important that I'm devoting my life to it -- why, then, so should you.
And thousands did.
IF there was a dialectic that shaped Michael Harrington's life (and he was one of few American thinkers with an instinctively dialectical cast of mind), it was that between rectitude and relevance; indeed, his struggle to synthesize the two is the overarching theme of Isserman's book. Writing in 1952 (the year Harrington first joined a socialist organization), Daniel Bell argued that the problem of American socialism was that it was of the world but not in it -- a movement too concerned with its own correctness to be effective. Much of Harrington's career can be seen as a surprisingly successful attempt to prove Bell wrong -- though in a few crucial instances he proved Bell right.
This was, after all, a man who spent his early twenties in the sublime purity and ridiculous isolation of the Catholic Worker, Dorothy Day's radical lay order, which succored the poor in New York's Bowery; who moved on to the Shachtmanites at the height of McCarthyism; and who then managed, while traveling around the country on socialism's behalf, to inspire and build up many of the small groups that would coalesce in the sixties left. This was the man who "discovered" poverty in the affluent America of the early sixties, whom the mainstream media acclaimed as a national conscience, and who suffered a nervous breakdown that he would partly attribute to all that establishment approval. Harrington was the elder most trusted by the students who led the New Left; he repudiated them for their ideological deviations and was thus unable to steer them in a less self-destructive direction. In the seventies he was the guy who picked up the pieces from the wreckage of the sixties, the champion of coalition, who connected or reconnected the peace activists, the feminists, and the middle-class reform Democrats with one another and with the more progressive portions of the labor movement. Finally, in the eighties, with social democracy and the welfare state under attack and with laissez-faire on the rise, Harrington fought defensive battles alongside the rest of liberal America, but also assumed a more prophetic role, sketching a socialism for a future that he acknowledged was distant if not eternally hypothetical. In Bell's parlance, Harrington spent his last years (he died of esophageal cancer in 1989, at age sixty-one) both in the world and of it -- but the world, as he himself repeatedly acknowledged, was moving away from him.
The young man we first meet in Isserman's book, however, was both blissfully in the world and out of it. Harrington, who was born and raised in St. Louis, was at once a shy poet and a gregarious, popular kid in high school -- the classroom wit, an editor of the school paper and yearbook. (Asked by a friend at his elite Catholic school why he seldom washed his face, Harrington answered, "Poets don't" -- as good an expression of a fourteen-year-old's impression of the poetic life as one could ever hope to find.) At twenty-two -- having whizzed through Holy Cross, aced his first year at Yale Law, and spent the following year in the graduate English program at the University of Chicago -- he suddenly dropped out. He joined the Catholic Worker and showed up for such deeds of moral witness as the minuscule demonstrations against the Korean War. Nor was his abrupt affiliation the act of a convinced Catholic: only by reading Kierkegaard on the absurdity of belief and the leap of faith did Harrington argue himself back to a fragile theistic position. Plainly, he was drawn less to God than to the life of a saint.
Dorothy Day may be up for canonization today, but before she joined the Church, she led the life of a New York bohemian, cavorting and consorting with half the radicals and artists in Greenwich Village. That was all decades behind her by the time Harrington came to the Worker, but the two kinds of lives that Day had led sequentially, he led simultaneously. Days he spent in the Bowery, engaged not so much in tending to the local derelicts as in writing essays and critiques for the order's paper. Evenings he spent at the White Horse Tavern, where the latter-day counterparts of Day's artists and radicals met to talk, drink, and pair off for the night. He had no trouble reconciling his days and nights, but in time his leap of faith came up short. In 1952 he shifted from a spiritual sect to a secular, socialist one.
From his education in Catholic schools, as Isserman makes clear, Harrington had imbibed the Church's antipathy to capitalism. It would be a mistake, however, to ascribe his socialism to a delayed-action epiphany about, say, Rerum Novarum or any other Catholic anti-capitalist teachings. What Harrington did retain from his years as a believer was -- well, his belief in belief. Although his various faiths always encompassed a strong dose of skepticism, a common theme runs through Harrington's Catholicism, aestheticism, bohemianism, and socialism, which he sounded in his 1983 book on religion, The Politics at God's Funeral. Genuinely committed "believers and unbelievers,"he wrote, "have the same enemy: the humdrum nihilism of everyday life in much of Western society."Henceforth the war on humdrum nihilism would be waged on socialism's behalf.
In place of Dorothy Day, Harrington soon acquired, in Max Shachtman, an equally exotic mentor. Shachtman had been an aide and assistant to Trotsky himself, but in 1940, shortly before Trotsky's murder, he broke with the Old Man on the question of whether Stalinist Russia was socialist at all. Anyone who doesn't believe that impotence tends to corrupt, and that absolute impotence corrupts absolutely, hasn't studied the history of Trotskyism and post-Trotskyism in America. The various groups and subtendencies split again and again, like amoebas. Life within the Shachtmanites was an unending series of sharp attacks not just on the few remaining Stalinists but also on fellow members who were straying from the line. As Isserman demonstrates, Harrington was an accomplished factionalist both inside and outside the organization. (He led the Shachtmanites' youth group, for instance, in factionalizing and ultimately paralyzing the student affiliate of Americans for Democratic Action.)
Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, however, the Shachtmanites, who never numbered more than a few hundred, became less and less of a sect -- partly owing, in the latter years, to Harrington's prodding. They ceased pretending that they were in some sense a revolutionary organization and espoused instead a democratic socialism, merging in the late 1950s into Norman Thomas's Socialist Party and eventually reconciling themselves to the fact that in America it made sense for socialists to work within the Democratic Party.
And no Shachtmanite was more in America than Harrington. As the staffer for the youth groups of the Shachtmanites and then the Socialist Party, he toured campuses throughout the middle and late fifties, denouncing U.S. foreign policy, championing civil rights, ridiculing the House Un-American Activities Committee; recruiting an activist here, starting a chapter there; at every stop balancing a talk on politics with another talk on culture; finding a girl on every campus; riding the bus and bumming rides all across the nation -- leading, in short, an impossibly romantic life. Marginality had nothing to offer that compared to this: the socialist met America, and it was good.
And increasingly the students responded. Harrington's audiences grew larger with each passing year. Leading sixties movement figures like Stokely Carmichael and Jerry Rubin were drawn to the Socialists, and Tom Hayden called Harrington "easily the most charismatic of the political intellectuals" he'd met during those years. The Pied Piper for the young people who were to lead the New Left, Harrington began to foresee its configurations. The new progressives, he wrote, would be a coalition of labor, the dispossessed, students, and beats, bonded by a moral solidarity of the kind he evoked (this he did not write) in his talks. This was far from the narrowly Marxist language of Shachtman, closer to the moral-tribune tradition of Debs and Thomas -- though Harrington's talks had just enough Village hipness to make socialism cool as well as urgent.
From the late fifties on, an increasing number of Harrington's speeches dealt with the widespread poverty that persisted in a nation busy congratulating itself for creating the world's first majority middle class. Harrington wrote two major pieces on the subject in Commentary -- scrutinizing the numbers, uncovering as many as 50 million Americans who lived in poverty, and describing the ways in which poverty creates its own culture of disorganization and dysfunction. He received several offers from publishing houses to expand his articles into a book, but Shachtman -- the ultimate organization man -- told him that it was more important to tend to party business. Fortunately, Macmillan made Harrington an offer so generous that he at last couldn't refuse it.
THE Other America (1962) wasn't recognized as an instant classic, though it received very favorable reviews. Not until Dwight Macdonald wrote a fifty-page essay in The New Yorker extolling both the book and its author did it become a phenomenon. Harrington was spending a year in Europe when the review appeared; he returned to the United States to find the paperback a best seller, a must-read on campuses -- and in the White House. Lyndon Johnson had become President just a few weeks before Harrington's return; told that John F. Kennedy had planned to launch a war on poverty, Johnson ordered a full-tilt assault. Harrington was summoned to Washington to work on the new program, which did not begin to approximate what he thought was necessary.
Publication of The Other America transformed Harrington's life. Network television sought him out as a commentator on social policy, and speaking invitations poured in from all across the nation. All the while his role in the American left -- and in American liberalism -- had become even more pivotal. In 1964 James Wechsler, the editor of the New York Post, wrote that Harrington was the man who would bring unity to the "scattered legions among the liberal intellectual community, the civil rights activists and the more enlightened sectors of organized labor." Wechsler didn't include antiwar activists on his list, because Vietnam didn't heat up until the following year, but here, too, Harrington was recognized as central to bringing, if not unity, at least comity between the old anti-Communist left he came from and the new antiwar student left he'd helped spawn. "Harrington was pivotal," Todd Gitlin wrote years later, in his history of the sixties, "for he was the one person who might have mediated across the generational divide."
But he didn't.
IN the histories of the twentieth-century American left much has been made of the blow-up between Old Left and New, between Harrington and Tom Hayden, at the 1962 Port Huron conference of Students for a Democratic Society -- the student affiliate of the League for Industrial Democracy, on whose board Harrington sat and of which he would become chairman two years later. Harrington was one of four LID elders -- all Shachtmanites -- who came to Port Huron as ideological chaperones, and he arrived armed with criticisms of the first draft of the conference statement, which Hayden had written. The draft, Harrington said, was insufficiently critical of communism and insufficiently appreciative of labor and liberal groups. But it wasn't so much what Harrington said as the way he said it that stunned his young acolytes; he ripped into Hayden the way Shachtmanites had always ripped into their rival factions, or into the dread Stalinist opposition. There was no Stalinist opposition at Port Huron, but the sense of embattlement that animated the true Shachtmanite had mysteriously resurfaced in Harrington. As Isserman puts it, "He had once again strapped on the armor of the doomed legion of the Left."
In fact, as Harrington later acknowledged, the SDSers took most of his criticisms to heart after he left and revised their draft. That is not how events were reported to him, however, by Tom Kahn and Rochelle Horowitz, two steely Shachtmanites who stayed behind. Without so much as reading the revision, the LID board ordered the locks changed on the offices of the errant student activists.
Isserman makes clear, however, that the Port Huron brouhaha didn't really occasion the rift between the Old Left and the New. Harrington soon read the draft, apologized for overreacting, and started touring campuses to bigger audiences than ever. Two years later The Other America was all but required reading for the student activists who traveled to Mississippi to take part in Freedom Summer.
In mid-1965 Harrington was writing columns not only against the Vietnam War (he had long opposed the U.S. government's decision to intervene in Vietnam) but also in favor of student demonstrators. As Isserman shows, however, Harrington subordinated his opposition to the war to the increasingly faux opposition of his fellow Shachtmanites, who were forever proclaiming the emergence of a "third force" in South Vietnam -- independent unions and the like, when in fact there were none. He steered clear of most of the antiwar activity of the time. In 1968 Harrington did campaign for Bobby Kennedy and Eugene McCarthy, and helped to found the New Democratic Coalition to promote the influence of the antiwar forces in Democratic Party affairs. Such positions were anathema to the Shachtmanites, who by then had reduced socialism to a doctrinal expression of George Meany's biases. Not until 1972, however, confronted with a Shachtman-dominated executive committee that shared Meany's loathing of George McGovern -- did Harrington quit the Socialist Party. In the end, leaving proved less an act of apostasy than staying.
WHEN he founded the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, commonly known as DSOC, in 1973, Harrington finally had an organization that genuinely sought to build a progressive coalition -- and not a moment too soon. The American liberal community was all but shattered by the time the Vietnam War ended: labor was disdainful of middle-class liberals, middle-class liberals were scornful of labor ("They're not worth the powder it would take to blow them up," one McGovern aide famously pronounced), and the no-longer-quite-so-youthful protesters of the sixties were dismissive of both.
For the next decade Harrington preached the gospel of interdependency, telling McGovern liberals, labor-union members, minority activists, environmentalists, feminists, and simmered-down sixties kids that none of them could prevail by themselves. He put forth a program that could bring them together: planned full employment, creating a climate of economic security, in which environmental safeguards and policies of racial and cultural liberalism would be less threatening to white workers and thus more likely to be enacted. With the backing of the United Auto Workers and other progressive unions, he assembled Democratic Agenda, a coalition that advanced these perspectives in the Democratic Party platform wars of the 1970s and early 1980s.
Harrington's speaking schedule grew even more crowded during these years, and once at the podium, he never confined himself merely to outlining a new course for the Democrats. A typical Harrington speech of that time might contain refutations of the latest claims of Charles Murray, an exhortation to reject the centrist inertia of the Carter Administration, a progressive program for full employment, and a sketch of the growing corporate control of the planet and how socialism was the only democratic alternative to that control. It was always necessary to define what democratic socialism was not -- not Communist tyranny, not post-office inefficiency, not nationalization of enterprises, not even unswerving antagonism to markets. Harrington's socialism was about the participatory control of workplaces, the democratic control of technologies and investment. It was about the necessity of the social -- a cri de coeur against a growing individualism that denied the very interdependency of humankind. "Anti-social socialization,"as he put it, was very much the order of the day.
Harrington neither entertained nor imparted any illusions that history was running his way. Indeed, the weight of history, of socialist failure, hung heavier on him than it had on Debs and Thomas, and he felt compelled to offer both a vision and a plan even as he was updating and revising them, so to speak, on the run. The same Pascalian cast, the same leap of faith, that had propelled his commitment to the Catholic Worker now sustained his faith -- not in socialism's necessity or its moral worth but in the prospect of its realization.
Throughout the eighties Harrington insisted on incorporating a transnational dimension into his speeches -- though not even this spellbinding speaker could hold an audience's attention as he plumbed the Law of the Sea. Virtually no one listened to his talks to learn about the solidaristic wage policies of Sweden, Isserman writes.
They listened to him because he had come to serve as the voice of collective conscience for those who were disturbed by the values of Reagan's America. He told the nation uncomfortable truths in a way that made people want to do something about them.
Like Debs and Thomas before him, Harrington finished his career above all in the role of moral tribune. As to the relevance of his socialism to both the present and the future, Isserman remains discreetly, strategically, mum.
BUT this is not a book that concludes with the end of Isserman's text. It is, in fact, the only book I can recall whose back-cover blurb provides the clearest view of the end of the story -- of Harrington's legacy. The blurb praises the book but mainly praises Harrington -- "a man whose entire life was devoted to the cause of social justice, from his early days at the Catholic Worker to his support for workers' struggles in the 1980s." The quotation is from the AFL-CIO president, John Sweeney.
There are any number of ways to look at Sweeney's successful 1995 campaign to unseat Lane Kirkland, but one absolutely valid interpretation is that it marked the victory of the Harrington wing of American labor over the Shachtmanite wing -- and not just because Sweeney was a member of DSA while Kirkland was the chief sponsor of Social Democrats USA, as the Shachtmanites had come to be known. Consider the bill of indictment that Sweeney's supporters brought against Kirkland: He remained preoccupied with the concerns of the Cold War years after the Cold War had ended. He opposed, straight through the debacle of the 1994 election, labor's entering into coalitions with community, civil-rights, and other groups it could not control.
More important, consider what American labor has become under Sweeney's leadership. It has redefined itself as a social movement, the linchpin of a larger coalition, devoted to organizing the working poor. It has reached out to campuses as never before, recruiting all manner of unkempt kids as organizers, backing the college anti-sweatshop movement. It has forged nearly unimaginable coalitions -- the teamsters and the turtles together at last -- in opposition to global finance and corporations. And it has staked out a position on this new world order that makes it, more than any other union movement or political party on the planet, the pre-eminent champion of global social democracy.
It is, in short, the institutional embodiment of the things for which Michael Harrington stood and spoke and lived. In good measure that's because the people who heard Harrington's speeches -- and changed their lives -- are now the political directors and policy wonks and organizing capos and presidents of any number of American unions, at the local, regional, and national levels. Maybe they heard him explain to auto workers -- first skeptical, then cheering -- at their 1983 national convention, held in the middle of a wave of plant closings, that their enemies weren't Mexican workers but the corporations that played them off against each other. Perhaps Harrington argued with today's leaders at the end of the sixties that unions were still the indispensable force for change, and that there were a number -- a small number -- of unions that would welcome their involvement. Most likely they heard him sketch his vision of a world no longer dominated by the calculus of the market, which had crossed over from necessity to freedom, and they wanted nothing more than to join him in hastening that day.
At the conclusion of Part of Our Time (1955), Murray Kempton's lyrical history of the thirties, Kempton tried to assess the legacy of that generation's great socialist -- and it is, he argued, the ongoing work of the people he calls "Norman Thomas's children." "The labor movement is full of them," Kempton wrote, "not merely the Reuther boys but a host of [officials]." More of Thomas's onetime acolytes, Kempton continued, "remain from the youth movement of the thirties, functioning in a fashion doing least violence to their image of themselves in those days, than survive from any other political group." The same, I'd argue, can be said of the children of Michael Harrington, who have transformed the labor movement over the past few years into the nation's most dynamic and important force for progressive change.
THERE'S one other part of Harrington's legacy, the significance of which is only now becoming clear. It's what Harrington said in those slower stretches of his talks, and what he wrote in the largely unread portions of his books during the last decade of his life. It's his guide for the forces that have only now begun the work of creating a social and political global order to balance the purely economic -- that is, capitalist -- one that has arisen in the past quarter century. "The third creation of the world," Harrington called the ascendance of this corporate order in his final book: a new construction of the global order, much like that undertaken by the British in the nineteenth century and by the Americans in the middle of the twentieth. A specific historical achievement, no more immutable than the national laissez-faire regimes of a hundred years ago.
I was reminded of Harrington's late writings recently, while reading a proposal by Jane D'Arista, a brilliant economist with the Financial Markets Center. D'Arista has proposed a global equivalent of the Federal Reserve -- controlled by a board drawn equally from the world's wealthiest and most populous nations -- as a safeguard against destabilizing capital flows, and more generally against the ability of financial markets to unravel a nation's economy. The United States would have its say, but so would India and Brazil.
This rang a faint bell, and sure enough, in Harrington's Socialism: Past and Future, the book he wrote in 1988 as he was dying, Harrington proposed an Economic Security Council with some of the same powers and governed by essentially the same structure. He was considering the practicalities of the first steps toward a democratic global order. And he was considering how to link such practicalities to a new, globalized version of the kind of passion and faith that had sustained socialists throughout their work to create democracies, both political and social, on the national level. He wrote,
From the archives:"The Socialist Who Loved Keats," by Nathan Glick (January, 1998)
The late Irving Howe -- literary critic, biographer, historian and teacher -- was a beacon of a certain kind of intellectual and moral possibility.
The politics of international economic and social solidarity must be presented as a practical solution to immediate problems as well as a recognition of that oneness of humankind celebrated in the Biblical account of the common parents of all human beings.
The task of the socialist, Irving Howe said, is simultaneously to see and work on both the near and the far. That's something the movement that burst forth at the World Trade Organization protest in Seattle last fall has yet to learn from the thought and example of Michael Harrington, who is in and of the world even now.

 Harold Meyerson is the executive editor of L.A. Weekly and a member of the editorial board of Dissent magazine.

Illustration by Scott Laumann.Copyright © 2000 by The Atlantic Monthly Company. All rights reserved. The Atlantic Monthly; August 2000; The (Still) Relevant Socialist - 00.08; Volume 286, No. 2; page 92-97.
 ...and I am Sid Harth 

Tracking American Poverty & Policy

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Click on the panel for more information
Panel 1
"What Have We Learned About Poverty in America in the Past 50 Years?"
moderated by Bob Herbert
Bob Herbert, former NYT Columnist and Demos Distinguished Senior Fellow
Panel 2
"The Economy and Poverty: Addressing the Labor Market"
moderated by Ezra Klein
Ezra Klein, Washington Post blogger
Panel 3
"Poverty and the Austerity Debate"
moderated by EJ Dionne
EJ Dionne, Washington Post columnist
Panel 4
"Work Supports and the Safety Net"
moderated by Pam Fessler
Pam Fessler, NPR correspondent
Panel 5
"Education and Skills Development: Early Interventions, K-12 and Postsecondary Education"
moderated by Kavitha Cardoza
Kavitha Cardoza, WAMU senior reporter
Fifty years ago, Michael Harrington's classic exposé The Other America shed light on widespread poverty in the United States and helped pave the way for reforms that have improved the lives of millions of Americans. But with millions of people still living below the poverty line even before the latest recession hit, inequality rising, and millions out of work, there is much more to do.
Join us for a national conference on U.S. poverty in the 21st Century. Leading researchers, practitioners, and journalists will assess how economic and policy trends are affecting poverty today, and will discuss promising new policies and strategies for lifting and keeping Americans out of poverty. We will probe what low wages, low job growth, demographic and cultural trends, and budget-cutting plans mean for Americans trying to move into the middle class.

Panel Information

Panel 1:
"What Have We Learned about Poverty in America in the past 50 years?"

Moderator:
Panelists:

Bob Herbert, Demos
Angela Blackwell, PolicyLink
Peter Edelman, Georgetown University
Kathryn Edin, Harvard University
Ron Haskins, Brookings Institution

Panel 2: "The Economy and Poverty: Addressing the Labor Market"

Moderator:
Panelists:

Ezra Klein, Washington Post
Eugene Steuerle, Urban Institute
Harry Holzer, Georgetown University
Sarita Gupta, Jobs with Justice
Heidi Shierholz, Economic Policy Institute

Panel 3: "Poverty and the Austerity Debate"

Moderator:
Panelists:

EJ Dionne, Washington Post
Robert Bixby, Concord Coalition
John Carr, US Conference of Bishops
Robert Greenstein, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

Panel 4: "Work Supports and the Safety Net"

Moderator:
Panelists:

Pam Fessler, NPR
Ambassador Eric Bost, Former USDA Under Secretary for Food, Nutrition and Consumer Services
Olivia Golden, Urban Institute
David Jones, Community Service Society
LaDonna Pavetti, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

Panel 5:
"Education and Skills Development: Early Interventions, K-12 and Postsecondary Education"

Moderator:
Panelists:

Kavitha Cardoza, WAMU, D.C. NPR
Paul Osterman, MIT
Jane Hannaway, American Institutes for Research
Larry Aber, New York University
Wendell Hall, Institute for Higher Education Policy


Demos and The American Prospect are working to put this crisis back in the public eye and on the policy agenda. Launching our activities is the Prospect's incredible (if we do say so ourselves) special issue on poverty. As Peter Edelman writes, it's "Worse than we thought, but we can solve this."

Read more:



Georgetown Center on Poverty, Inequality and Public PolicyDemosThe American ProspectCenter on Budget and Policy Priorities

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