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RSS Rewriting History I

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NCERT Text Books
Does Indian History Need To Be Rewritten?
No. BJP's doctoring of history, so reminiscent of totalitarian states, is an attempt to turn the clock back and, if- possible, do away with history altogether.













The Prime Minister has justified the deletion of ten passages from NCERT history textbooks (to 1oe followed soon by their replacement and then the abolition of history as a separate subject till Class X) on the ground that these books are "one-sided". How does he know? And how does being Prime Minister give him the authority to issue such a fatwa? It is nobody's contention that the NCERT books are perfect, but any revision must be based on at least a minimum level of competence in the subject. It is significant that the names of those writing the new textbooks are being kept strictly secret.
A second justification, offered by BJP spokesmen like V.K. Malhotra, is even more dangerous. The books are not factually inaccurate, but they are unsuitable because they hurt the "sentiments" of children of sundry communities and religions. Once again, who decides, when and whose sentiments?
The passage in Satish Chandra's book about the execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur, which no one had objected to even at the height of the Khalistani movement, suddenly comes under attack, and sadly, first of all from the Delhi Congress just on the eve of Punjab elections. And what if "sentiments" are mutually opposed? References to the oppressive aspects of the varna system and, no doubt soon, any criticism whatsoever of the ancient Brahmanical society, are to be deleted. Dalits, subordinated castes, women, have obviously no "sentiments" worth bothering about.
Even more importantly, is it the function of history to ignore all "unpleasant" facts, and become a collection of moral fables or happy tales, its contents dictated by "religious" and/or "community" leaders chosen by the Sangh Parivar for its political games? Surely, education is worthwhile only if it stimulates rational thinking and questioning and much of inherited common-sense necessarily comes under scrutiny: as when children learn that, contrary to the evidence of their eyes, the earth moves round the sun. Maybe, the scientific explanation for eclipses should be banned, for it might hurt the belief that they are caused by Rahu?
But it is dangerous to be sarcastic about such things, for we have a minister who might think this to be a good idea...
"History" of a particular kind is vital for the Sangh Parivar, to consolidate its claim to be the sole spokesman of the "Hindus" who have to be convinced that their interests and emotions are and have always been unitary and inevitably opposed to those of Muslims or Christians, regardless of differences of caste, gender class, immense regional variations. There had once been a certain fit between such assumptions and the habit, derived in part from the British, of slicing up Indian history into "Hindu" and "Muslim" periods, treating religious communities as unchanging blocs and defining eras in terms of the religion of rulers. All this changed as history-writing came of age and progressed beyond the deeds of kings and great or evil men. The BJP's doctoring of history, so reminiscent of totalitarian states, is an attempt to turn the clock back and, if possible, do away with history altogether.

(Sumit Sarkar is Professor of History, Delhi University. This article first appeared in the Times of India, 2 December 2001 and is reproduced here courtesy Delhi Historians Group)


Controversy
Don't Read This!
The text of the controversial deletions made from the NCERT History books.
Book: Ancient India
Author: Romila Thapar
For: Class VI

Page 40 - 41

Hunting was another common occupation, with elephants, buffaloes, antelopes and boars being the objects of the hunt. Bulls and oxen were used for ploughing. The cow held pride of place among the animals because people were dependent on the produce of the cow. In fact, for special guests beef was served as a mark of honour (although in later centuries brahmans were forbidden to eat beef). A man's life was valued as equal to that of a hundred cows. If a man killed another man, he had to give a hundred cows to the family of the dead man as a punishment. 

Book: Modern India
Authors: Arjun Dev and Indira Arjun Dev
For: Class VIII 

Page 21 

Punjab

North of Delhi, the territories of Lahore and Multan were ruled by the Mughal governor. However, as a result of Nadir Shah's and later, Ahmed Shah Abdali's invasions, their power was destroyed and the Sikhs began to emerge as the supreme political power in the area.

Another power that arose in this period in the region around Delhi, Agra and Mathura was that of the Jats. They founded their State at Bharatpur wherefrom they conducted plundering raids in the regions around and participated in the court intrigues at Delhi.

Book: Ancient India
Author: R.S. Sharma,
For Class XI

(a)  page 7

A band of scholars took upon themselves not only the mission to reform Indian society but also to reconstruct ancient Indian history in such a manner as to make case for social reforms and, more importantly, for self-government. In doing so most historians were guided by the nationalist ideas of Hindu revivalism, but there was no dearth of scholars who adopted a rationalist and objective approach. To the second category belongs Rajendra Lal Mitra (1822 - 1891), who published some Vedic texts and wrote a book entitled Indo-Aryans. A great lover of ancient heritage, he took a rational view of ancient society and produced a forceful tract to show that in ancient times people took beef. Others tried to prove that in spite of its peculiarities the caste system was not basically different from the class system based on division of labour found in pre-industrial and ancient societies of Europe.

(b) page 20-21

Archaeological evidence should be considered far more important than long family trees given in Puranas. The Puranic tradition could be used to date Rama of Ayodhya around 2000 B.C., but diggings and extensive explorations in Ayodhya do not show any settlement around that date. Similarly, although Krishna plays an important part in the Mahabharata, the earliest inscriptions and sculptural pieces found in Mathura between 200 B.C. and A.D. 300 do not attest his presence. Because of such difficulties the ideas of an epic age based on the Ramayana and Mahabharata has to be discarded, although in the past it formed a chapter in most survey books on ancient India. Of course several stages of social evolution in both the Ramayana and Mahabharata can be detected. This is so because the epics do not belong to a single phase of social evolution; they have undergone several editions, as has been shown earlier in the present chapter.

(c) page 45

The people living in the chalcolithic age in south-eastern Rajasthan, western Madhya Pradesh, western Maharashtra and elsewhere domesticated animals and practised agriculture. They kept cows, sheep, goats, pigs and buffaloes, and hunted deer. Remains of the camel have also been found. But generally they were not acquainted with the horse. Some animal remains are identified as belonging either to the horse or donkey or wild ass. People certainly ate beef, but they did not take pork on any considerable scale. What is remarkable is that these people produced wheat and rice. In addition to these staple crops, they also cultivated bajra. They produced several pulses such as the lentil (masur), black gram, green gram , and grass pea. Almost all these foodgrains have been found at Navdatoli situated on the bank of the Narmada in Maharashtra. Perhaps at no other place in India so many cereals have been discovered as a result of digging. The people of Navdatoli also produced ber and linseed. Cotton was produced in the black cotton soil of the Deccan, and ragi, bajra and several millets were cultivated in the lower Deccan. In eastern India, fish hooks have been found in Bihar and west Bengal, where we also find rice. This suggests that the chalcolithic people in the eastern regions lived on fish and rice, which is still a popular diet in that part of the country. Most settlements in the Banas valley in Rajasthan are small but Ahar and Gilund spread over an area of nearly four hectares.

(d) page 90

The agricultural economy based on the iron ploughshare required the use of bullocks, and it could not flourish without animal husbandry. But the Vedic practice of killing cattle indiscriminately in sacrifices stood in the way of the progress of new agriculture. The cattle wealth slowly decimated because the cows and bullocks were killed in numerous Vedic sacrifices. The tribal people living on the southern and eastern fringes of Magadha also killed cattle for food. But if the new agrarian economy had to be stable, this killing had to be stopped.

(e) page 91-92

According to the Jainas, the origin of Jainism goes back to very ancient times. They believe in twenty-four tirthankaras or great teachers or leaders of their religion. The first tirthankara is believed to be Rishabhadev who was born in Ayodhya. He is said to have laid the foundations for orderly human society. The last, tewenty-fourth, tirthankara, was Vardhamana Mahavira who was a contemporary of Gautama Buddha. According to the Jaina tradition, most of the early tirthankaras were born in the middle Ganga basin and attained nirvana in Bihar. The twenty-third tirthankara was Parshvanath who was born in Varanasi. He gave up royal life and became an ascetic. Many teachings of Jainism are attributed to him. According to Jaina tradition, he lived two hundred years before Mahavira. Mahavir is said to be the twenty-fourth.

It is difficult to fix the exact dates of birth and death of Vardhamana Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. According to one tradition, Vardhamana Mahavira was born in 540 B.C. in a village called Kundagrama near Vaishali, which is identical with Basarh in the district of Vaishali, in north Bihar. His father Siddhartha was the head of a famous kshatriya clan called Jnatrika and the ruler of his own area. Mahavira's mother was name Trishala, sister of the Lichchhavi chief Chetaka, whose daughter was wedded to Bimbisara. Thus Mahavira's family was connected with the royal family of Magadha.

In the beginning, Mahavira led the life of a householder, but in the search for truth he abandoned the world at the age of 30 and became an ascetic. He would not stay for more than a day in a village and for more than five days in a town. During next twelve years he meditated, practised austerities of various kinds and endured many hardships. In the thirteenth year, when he had reached the age of 42, he attained Kaivalya (Juan). Through Kaivalya he conquered misery and happiness. Because of this conquest he is known as Mahavira or the great hero or jina, i.e. the conqueror, and his followers are known as Jainas. He propagated his religion for 30 years, and his mission took him to Koshala, Magadha, Mithila, Champa, etc. He passed away at the age of 72 in 468 B.C. at a place called Pavapuri near modern Rajgir. According to another tradition, he was born in 599 B.C. and passed away in 527 B.C.


(f) page 137 – 138

Causes of the Fall of the Maurya Empire

The Magadhan empire, which had been reared by successive wars culminating in the conquest of Kalinga, began to disintegrate after the exit of Ashoka in 232 B.C. Several causes seem to have brought about the decline and fall of the Maurya empire.

Brahmanical Reaction

The brahmanical reaction began as a result of the policy of Ashoka. There is no doubt that Ashoka adopted a tolerant policy and asked the people to respect even the brahmanas. But he prohibited killing of animals and birds, and derided superfluous rituals performed by women. This naturally affected the income of the brahmanas. The anti-sacrifice attitude of Buddhism and of Ashoka naturally brought loss to the brahmanas, who lived on the gifts made to them in various kinds of sacrifices. Hence in spite of the tolerant policy of Ashoka, the brahmanas developed some kind of antipathy to him. Obviously they were not satisfied with his tolerant policy. They really wanted a policy that would favour them and uphold the existing interests and privileges. Some of the new kingdoms that arose on the ruins of the Maurya empire, were ruled by the brahmanas. The Shungas and the Kanvas, who ruled in Madhya Pradesh and further east on the remnants of the Maurya empire, were brahmanas. Similarly the Satavahanas, who founded a lasting kingdom in the western Deccan and Andhra, claimed to be brahmanas. These brahmana dynasties perfomed Vedic sacrifices, which were neglected by Ashoka.


(g) page 240 – 241

The Varna System

Religion influenced the formation of social classes in India in a peculiar way. In other ancient societies the duties and functions of social classes were fixed by law which was largely enforced by the state. But in India varna laws enjoyed the sanction of both the state and religion. The functions of priests, warriors, peasants and labourers were defined in law and supposed to have been laid down by divine agencies. Those who departed from their functions and were found guilty of offences were subjected to secular punishments. They had also to perform rituals and penances, all differing according to the varna. Each varna was given not only a social but also a ritualistic recognition.In course of time varnas or social classes and jatis or castes were made hereditary by law and religion. All this was done to ensure that vaishyas produce and pay taxes and shudras serve as labourers so that brahmanas act as priests and kshatriyas as rulers. Based on the division of labour and specialisation of occupations, the peculiar institution of the caste system certainly helped the growth of society and economy at the initial stage. The varna system contributed to the development of the state. The producig and labouring classes were disarmed, and gradually each caste was pitted against the other in such a manner that the oppressed ones could not combine against the privileged classes.

The need of carrying out their respective functions was so strongly ingrained in the minds of the various classes that ordinarily they would never think of deviating from their dharma. The Bhagavadgita taught that people should lay down their lives in defense of their own dharma rather than adopt the dharma of others, which would prove dangerous. The lower orders worked hard in the firm belief that they would deserve a better life in the next world or birth. This belief lessened the intensity and frequency of tensions and conflicts between those who actually produced and those who lived off these producers as princes, priests, officials, soldiers and big merchants. Hence the necessity for exercising coercion against the lower orders was not so strong in ancient India. What was done by slaves and other producing sections in Greece and Rome under the threat of whip was done by the vaishyas and shudras out of conviction formed through brahmanical indoctrination and the varna system.


Book: Medieval India
Author: Satish Chandra
For: Class XI

Page 237 – 238

The Sikhs

Although there had been some clashes between the Sikh Guru and the Mughals under Shah Jahan, there was no clash between the Sikhs and Aurangzeb till 1675. In fact, conscious of the growing importance of the Sikhs, Aurangzeb had tried to engage the Guru, and a son of Guru Har Kishan remained at the Court. After his succession as Guru in 1664, Guru Tegh Bahadur journeyed to Bihar, and served with Raja Ram Singh of Amber in Assam. However, in 1675, Guru Tegh Bahadur was arrested with five of his followers, brought to Delhi and executed. The official explanation for this as given in some later Persian sources is that after his return from Assam, the Guru, in association with one Hafiz Adam, a follower of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, had resorted to plunder and rapine, laying waste the whole province of the Punjab. According to Sikh tradition, the execution was due to the intrigues of some members of his family who disputed his succession, and by others who had joined them. But we are also told that Aurangzeb was annoyed because the Guru had converted a few Muslims to Sikhism. There is also the tradition that the Guru was punished because he had raised a protest against the religious persecution of the Hindus in Kashmir by the local governor. However, the persecution of Hindus is not mentioned in any of the histories of Kashmir, including the one written by Narayan Kaul in 1710. Saif Khan, the Mughal governor of Kashmir, is famous as a builder of bridges. He was a humane and broad-minded person who had appointed a Hindu to advise him in administrative matters. His successor after 1671, Iftekhar Khan, was anti-Shia but there are no references to his persecuting the Hindus.


It is not easy to shift the truth from these conflicting accounts. Sikhism had spread to many Jats and Artisans including some from the low castes who were attracted by its simple, egalitarian approach and the prestige of the Guru. Thus, the Guru, while being a religious leader, had also begun to be a rallying point for all those fighting against injustice and oppression. The action of Aurangzeb in breaking even some temples of old standing must have been a new cause of discontent and disaffection to which the Guru gave expression

While Aurangzeb was out of Delhi at the time of the Guru's execution, acting against rebel Afghans, the Guru's execution could not have been taken without his knowledge or approval. For Aurangzeb, the execution of the Guru was only a law and order question, for the Sikhs the Guru gave up his life in defence of cherished principles.

Whatever the reasons, Aurangzeb's action was unjustified from any point of view and betrayed a narrow approach. The execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur forced the Sikhs to go back to the Punjab hills. It also led to the Sikh movement gradually turning into a military brotherhood. A major contribution in this sphere was made by Guru Govind Singh. He showed considerable organisational ability and founded the military brotherhood or the Khalsa in 1699. Before this, Guru Govind Singh had made his headquarters at Makhowal or Anandpur in the foothills of the Punjab. At first, the local Hindu hill rajas had tried to use the Guru and his followers in there internecine quarrels. But soon the Guru became too powerful and a series of clashes took place between the hill rajas and the Guru, who generally triumphed. The organisation of the Khalsa further strengthened the hands of the Guru in this conflict. However, an open breach between Guru and the hill rajas took place only in 1704, when the combined forces of a number of hill rajas attacked the Guru at Anandpur. The rajas had again to retreat and they pressed the Mughal government to intervene against the Guru on their behalf.

The struggle which followed was thus not a religious struggle. It was partly an offshoot of local rivalries among the Hindu hill rajas and the Sikhs and partly on outcome of the Sikh movement as it had developed. Aurangzeb was concerned with the growing power of the Guru and had asked the Mughal faujdar earlier "to admonish the Guru". He now wrote to the governor of Lahore and the faujdar of Sirhind, Wazir Khan, to aid the hill rajas in their conflict with Guru Govind Singh. The Mughals forces assaulted Anandpur but the Sikhs fought bravely and beat off all assaults. The Mughals and their allies now invested the fort closely. When starvation began inside the fort, the Guru was forced to open the gate apparently on a promise of safe conduct by Wazir Khan. But when the forces of the Guru were crossing a swollen stream, Wazir Khan's forces suddenly attacked. Two of the Guru's sons were captured, and on their refusal to embrace Islam, were beheaded at Sirhind. The Guru lost two of his remaining sons in another battle. After this, the Guru retired to Talwandi and was generally not disturbed.

It is doubtful whether the dastardly action of Wazir Khan against the sons of the Guru was carried out at the instance of Aurangzeb. Aurangzeb, it seems, was not keen to destroy the Guru and wrote to the governor of Lahore " to conciliate the Guru". When the Guru wrote to Aurangzeb in the Deccan, apprising him of the events, Aurangzeb invited him to meet him. Towards the end of 1706, the Guru set out for the Deccan and was on the way when Aurangzeb died. According to some, he had hoped to persuade Aurangzeb to restore Ananadpur to him.


Although Guru Govind Singh was not able to withstand Mughal might for long, or to establish a separate Sikh state, he created a tradition and also forged a weapon for its realisation later on. It also showed how an egalitarian religious movement could, under certain circumstances, turn into a political and militaristic movement, and subtly move towards regional independence. 
 
 
 

India history spat hits US

California educators have unleashed debate with textbook revisions.

By, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

In the halls of Sacramento, a special commission is rewriting Indian history: debating whether Aryan invaders conquered the subcontinent, whether Brahman priests had more rights than untouchables, and even whether ancient Indians ate beef.
That this seemingly arcane Indian debate has spilled over into California's board of education is a sign of the growing political muscle of Indian immigrants and the rising American interest in Asia.
The foes - who include established historians and Hindu nationalist revisionists - are familiar to each other in India. But America may increasingly become their new battlefield as other US states follow California in rewriting their own textbooks to bone up on Asian history.
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At stake, say scholars who include some of the most elite historians on India, may be a truthful picture of one of the world's emerging powers - one arrived at by academic standards of proof rather than assertions of national or religious pride.
"Some of the groups involved here are not qualified to write textbooks, they do not draw lines between myth and history," says Anu Mandavilli, an Indian doctoral candidate at the University of Southern California, and activist against the Hindu right. Speaking of one of the groups, the Vedic Foundation in Austin, Texas, she adds, "On their website, they claim that Hindu civilization started 111.5 trillion years ago. That makes Hinduism billions of years older than the Big Bang." (The assertion has since been pulled from the site.)
"It would be ridiculous if it weren't so dangerous."
Revisionist debates hot in many nations
Communities use history to define themselves - their core ideals, achievements, and grudges. Small wonder, then, that history is frequently reevaluated as political pendulums shift, or as long-oppressed minority groups finally get their say. History, and efforts to revise it, have touched off recent controversies between Japan and its neighbors over its World War II past, as well as between France and its former colonies over the portrayal of imperialism.
Here in India, Hindu nationalists have pushed forcefully for revisionism after what they see as centuries of cultural domination by the British Raj and Muslim Mogul Empire.
Instigating the California debate were two US-based Hindu groups with long ties to Hindu nationalist parties in India. One, the Vedic Foundation, is a small Hindu sect that aims at simplifying Hinduism to the worship of one god, Vishnu. The other, the Hindu Education Foundation (HEF), was founded in 2004 by a branch of the right-wing Indian group the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
This year, as California's Board of Education commissioned and put up for review textbooks to be used in its 6th-grade classrooms, these two groups came forward with demands for substantial changes.
Textbooks did have glaring mistakes
Some of the changes were no-brainers. One section said, incorrectly, that the Hindi language is written in Arabic script. One photo caption misidentified a Muslim as a Brahman priest.
But instead of focusing on such errors, the groups took steps to add their own nationalist imprint to Indian history.
In one edit, the HEF asked the textbook publisher to change a sentence describing discrimination against women in ancient society to the following: "Men had different duties (dharma) as well as rights than women."
In another edit, the HEF objected to a sentence that said that Aryan rulers had "created a caste system" in India that kept groups separated according to their jobs. The HEF asked this to be changed to the following: "During Vedic times, people were divided into different social groups (varnas) based on their capacity to undertake a particular profession."
The hottest debate centered on when Indian civilization began, and by whom. For the past 150 years, most historical, linguistic, and archaeological research has dated India's earliest settlements to around 2600 BC. And most established historical research contends that the cornerstone of Indian civilization - the practice of Hindu religion - was codified by people who came from outside India, specifically Aryan language speakers from the steppes of Central Asia.
Many Hindu nationalists are upset by the notion that Hinduism could be yet another religion, like Islam and Christianity, with foreign roots. The HEF and Vedic Foundation both lobbied hard to change the wording of California's textbooks so that Hinduism would be described as purely home grown.
"Textbooks must mention that none of the [ancient] texts, nor any Indian tradition, has a recollection of any Aryan invasion or migration," writes S. Kalyanaraman, an engineer and prominent pro-Hindu activist, in an e-mail to this reporter. He and other revisionists refer to recent studies that don't support an Aryan migration, including skeletal anthropology research that claims to show a continuity of record from Neolithic times. Such research has not convinced top Indologists to abandon the Aryan theory, however.
The final changes in California's textbooks are expected in the next few weeks, but in the meantime, mainstream academics, both in America and abroad, are setting off alarm bells.
"It was a whitewash," says Michael Witzel, a Harvard University Sanskrit scholar and Indologist, who testified before the commission in Sacramento. "The textbooks before were not very good, but at least they were more or less presentable. Now, it is completely incorrect."
Aryan invasion a British-era theory
Early proponents of the "Aryan Invasion Theory" proposed in 1850 by philologist Max Mueller may have had political agendas to justify the subjugation of the subcontinent, Mr. Witzel says, but the preponderance of evidence shows that Aryans came to India, with their horses, their chariots, and their religious beliefs, from outside.
"Unquestionably, all sides of Indian history must be repeatedly re-examined," wrote Witzel and comparative historian Steve Farmer, in an influential article in the Indian magazine Frontline in 2000. "But any massive revisions must arise from the discovery of new evidence, not from desires to boost national or sectarian pride at any cost."
On the other side of the debate, the historian Meenakshi Jain, a self-described nationalist, says that history is meant to be rewritten, depending on the perspective and needs of the present time.
"Indic civilization has been a big victim of misrepresentation and belittling of our culture," says Ms. Jain, a historian at Delhi University and author of a high school history textbook accepted by India's previous government, led by the pro-Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party.
Pride has its place in history?
Like many Hindus, Jain is proud of the accomplishments of Indian history, such as the fact that three small Hindu kingdoms - Kabul, Zabul, and Sindh - were able to hold off invading Muslim armies for 400 years. She also thinks that students should learn that some of India's most famous temples were commissioned not by upper caste Hindu kings but by aboriginal tribes, who in modern times have been relegated to "backward status."
"There is no such thing as an objective history," Jain says. "So when we write a textbook, we should make students aware of the status of current research of leading scholars in the field. It should not shut out a love for motherland, a pride in your past. If you teach that your country is backward, that it has no redeeming features in our civilization, it can damage a young perspective."
But no matter which version of Indian history California adopts for its 6th graders, it is bound to aggravate someone. The Board of Education has already heard from South Indians who argued that the HEF and Vedic Foundation represent a North Indian upper-caste perspective.
"We were saying, 'These groups don't speak for us,'" says Anu Mandavilli, herself a South Indian. When groups like the Vedic Foundation try to simplify Hinduism as the worship of a single god, "they have their own agendas."


Book 'banning' shows rising Hindu nationalism in India's election year

A US academic's 2009 book on Hinduism will be pulped after a four year legal battle between the publisher and a right-wing Hindu group. Writers fear rising intolerance of free speech.

By, Correspondent

  • People pose as they hold paper cups carrying portraits of Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi, the prime ministerial candidate for India's main opposition party, the BJP, in Delhi on Feb. 12, 2014. A publisher said this week it was pulping copies of a US scholar's book on Hinduism after a legal challenge from a right-wing Hindu group. Writers say religious conservatives are undermining free speech in multi-faith India.
The high-profile withdrawal of a book on Hinduism by a US academic has fueled concerns that Hindu extremism is starting to again move out of the margins and into the mainstream of Asia's largest democracy.
Penguin Books India agreed this week to pulp all copies of "The Hindus: An Alternative History" by Wendy Doniger following a four-year legal battle with a right-wing Hindu group that has also taken on Indian schools over sex education. In its lawsuit, the group said the book's depiction of mythological texts had "hurt the religious feelings of millions of Hindus."
The move comes as India prepares for general elections which the Hindu nationalist BJP party, led by Narendra Modi, is widely favored to win. It also comes on the heels of a recent ruling by India's Supreme Court that reinstated a colonial-era ban on homosexuality. The ruling was taken in response to a challenge brought by religious groups, including Muslim and Christian campaigners.
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"The political climate is worsening," says newspaper columnist Samar Halarnkar. "What [decisions like this] imply is that the liberal space in Hinduism is being pruned, and what used to be the fringe is starting to become the mainstream."

In an open letter, Prof. Doniger said Penguin had been "defeated" by Indian law that "makes it a criminal rather than civil offense to publish a book that offends any Hindu, a law that jeopardizes the physical safety of any publisher, no matter how ludicrous the accusation brought against a book," she wrote.
Analysts say the attack on Doniger, a professor at the University of Chicago's Divinity School, speaks to the fragility of free speech in India when it comes to dissecting the tenets of the majority faith.
"Wendy Doniger can't be attacked on her scholarship, she reads in Sanskrit and has been reading the texts for decades," says Nilanjana Roy, a New Delhi-based writer and journalist, and one of the founding members of PEN Delhi, an international writers' organization.
"You can't say she doesn't know what she's talking about. The attack has been that she doesn't have the right."
Doniger isn’t the only writer to face censure for her commentary on Hinduism. Online activists, many of them anonymous, are swift to react to any perceived criticism of their interpretation of Hinduism, particularly on social media. Many journalists and writers in India have found themselves the target of vitriolic online attacks.
Purists seeking to ban books represent a small segment of the Hindu right. But they are the loudest, and despite freedom of speech and expression being enshrined in India's constitution, lethargic governance allows them to get away with disruptive behavior.
"If a group calls for a violent protest over, say, a movie or a book, police will move to ban the offending book or play rather than working to control the law and order situation. It's a shortcut to try to appease that section of the community," says Prashant Narang, a public interest lawyer working with the Centre for Civil Society, a think tank in Delhi.
As a result, some authors and scholars may be starting to self-censor, particularly when it comes to writing about Hinduism in a historical context.
Ms. Roy says scholarly research is suffering. "I know some people who've put aside their work on Ganesha, or on religious sculpture, because they don't want to face the fallout," she says.
Some right-wing commentators have also expressed concern. “Very uneasy about Penguin decision on Wendy Doniger book. Ideas and academic studies, however contentious, cannot be handled by censorship,” tweeted Swapan Dasgupta, a prominent journalist who describes himself as politically conservative.

Publishers as protectors

Penguin Books India, a subsidiary of one of the world's largest publishing houses, has come under intense criticism for abandoning the fight against the lawsuit. In her letter, Doniger praised it for publishing the book in India, knowing that it would "stir anger" from Hindu nationalists. She also noted that the book is available in digital form.
However, Indian writers complain that the book's abrupt departure indicates that publishers can no longer be counted on to protect them.
"What are we to make of this?” asked Booker Prize-winning author Arundhati Roy in a letter to Penguin that was reproduced online. “Must we now write only pro-Hindutva [Hindu nationalist] books?"
Books have also been yanked from shelves in India to satisfy conservatives of other faiths. Salman Rushdie's 1988 book 'The Satanic Verses' was banned due to objections from Muslims. In 2012, the India-born author was forced to pull out of an Indian literary festival after Muslim leaders led protests against him.
In an interview with Time, Dinanath Batra, the head of the group that sued Penguin, said the book had hurt the sentiments of all Hindus. "If someone makes a cartoon of the prophet Mohammad, Muslims are outraged around the world. So why should anyone write anything against Hinduism and get away with it?"

Penguin Books India pulls controversial book on Hinduism

Penguin Books India agreed to withdraw the book from circulation in India as well as destroy every copy of the book.

By, Correspondent

  • 'The Hindus: an Alternative History' is by Wendy Doniger.
We’ve seen the chilling effects – in China, Russia, and America, among scores of other countries – when politics and publishing collide.
The latest country to join the censorship bandwagon is India, where publisher Penguin Books India recently agreed to withdraw a book about Hinduism from circulation in India, including destroying all copies of the book currently in the country.
“The Hindus: An Alternative History,” by Wendy Doniger, a professor of religion at the University of Chicago, was pulled by Penguin Books India after a four-year legal battle that began when the Hindu nationalist group Shiksha Bachao Andolan filed a suit against the publisher in 2011, claiming the book disparaged Hinduism and comprised “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings.”
Recommended: Famous opening lines: Take our literature quiz
The lawsuit accuses Doniger of “hurt[ing] the feelings of millions of Hindus” in the book, which it calls “a shallow, distorted and non-serious presentation of Hinduism” which is “riddled with heresies and factual inaccuracies.”
In a statement released by PEN Delhi, Doniger said, “I am deeply troubled by what it foretells for free speech in India in the present, and steadily worsening, political climate. And as a publisher’s daughter, I particularly wince at the knowledge that the existing books (unless they are bought out quickly by people intrigued by all the brouhaha) will be pulped.”
The decision, not surprisingly, has drawn international outrage from writers including Arundhati Roy, William Dalrymple, Neil Gaiman, and Hari Kunzru, as well as organizations like the National Book Critics Circle and the global community of writers PEN International.
In an open letter published in The Times of India, Man Booker Prize winner Arundhati Roy blasted the publisher, writing, "[Y]ou have fought for free speech against the most violent and terrifying odds. And now, even though there was no fatwa, no ban, not even a court order, you have not only caved in, you have humiliated yourself abjectly before a fly-by-night outfit by signing settlement. Why?"
In a statement, Penguin Books India has defended its decision: “Penguin Books India believes, and has always believed, in every individual's right to freedom of thought and expression, a right explicitly codified in the Indian Constitution. This commitment informs Penguin's approach to publishing in every territory of the world, and we have never been shy about testing that commitment in court when appropriate. At the same time, a publishing company has the same obligation as any other organization to respect the laws of the land in which it operates, however intolerant and restrictive those laws may be.”
More specifically, “those laws” refer to section 295a of the Indian penal code, which prohibits “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings or any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs.”
As observers have pointed out, the law also makes it difficult for Indian publishers to uphold international standards of free expression.
Perhaps the more chilling point is that “The Hindus” – which, we should add, was shortlisted for the National Book Critics Circle’s prestigious non-fiction award in 2009 – is only the latest in a series of publications recently withdrawn in the face of protest.
“The recall of ‘The Hindus' made Penguin the second Indian publishing house and third liberal institution in recent times to capitulate to a Hindu group,” writes Bloomberg. “In 2008, Oxford University Press agreed to cease publication of a scholarly essay on the Ramayana, and in 2011, Delhi University agreed to take the same essay off its syllabus.”
There’s more: In January, Bloomsbury India removed copies of “The Descent of Air India,” against the author’s wishes, and published an apology to a government minister who was strongly criticized in the book, the NYT notes.
It adds, “In December, the Supreme Court granted a stay of publication of 'Sahara: The Untold Story,' an investigation of Indian finance and real estate conglomerate Sahara India Pariwar, until a lawsuit filed by Sahara Group’s head was resolved.”
The latest book ban underscores an alarming trend in Indian intellectual discourse: that writings that offend any person’s religious sentiment, or as the lawsuit put it, “hurts the religious feelings,” will be curtailed, and with it, freedom of speech.
The fight against the book coincides with a potential ideological shift in India, which, three months ahead of a national election, has increasingly seen right-wing Hindu nationalist groups shore up power in the world’s largest democracy. Though the pulling of the book has no direct relationship to the elections, some observers have noted a rise in the influence of right-wing Hindu nationalists like Dinath Batra, the 84-year-old retired headmaster who spearheaded the campaign against Penguin and Doniger’s “The Hindus.”
Wrote novelist Hari Kunzru in the UK’s Guardian, “The Hindu far right … has become expert in wielding the weapon of offense to silence critics.”
In fact, many authors who criticized Penguin Books India’s decision directed their censure not toward the publisher, but at the antiquated laws and political campaigns against such books.
“Indian publishers have faced waves of threats from litigants, vigilante groups, and politicians,” PEN India pointed out.
Doniger herself has said she doesn’t “blame” Penguin, which after years of defending the book in court, was “finally defeated by the true villain of this piece – the Indian law that makes it a criminal rather than civil offence to publish a book that offends any Hindu, a law that jeopardizes the physical safety of any publisher, no matter how ludicrous the accusation brought against a book.”
Echoes historian Dalrymple, The "real villains are the laws in this country, which were old colonial laws drawn up in the 1890s, and which make insulting religion a criminal offense…The reality is that it is very difficult to defend yourself because the law is stacked very heavily on the side of any lunatic. It's shocking, appalling, dreadful and entirely negative, but I can understand why Penguin did what it did. They should have defended it, but I can understand why, with the law as it is, they decided they couldn't win the case.”
Amidst the furor, there may be a silver lining after all: the ruckus has sent “The Hindus” skyrocketing up bestseller lists, and perhaps more importantly, has brought international attention to the wave of book bans in India, and with it, renewed pressure against the forces behind the suppression.
Husna Haq is a Monitor correspondent.





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Debate on Indian History: Revising Textbooks in California

Sudarsan Padmanabhan
Economic and Political Weekly
Vol. 41, No. 18 (May 6-12, 2006), pp. 1761-1763
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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Page 1761 of Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 41, No. 18, May 6-12, 2006
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Economic and Political Weekly© 2006 Economic and Political Weekly
Abstract: The recent controversy over "correcting" depictions of ancient India in history school textbooks in California, has been largely posited in terms of a "secular vs saffron" debate; however, it has wider ramifications. While Indian Americans' vision of an "ideal" state of being in ancient India is influenced by their own physical separation and cultural isolation in the US, any unitary rewriting of ancient Indian history would have repercussions for India, and could tarnish its ideals of secularism.
Source: Christian Monitor


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India Will Be Using and Importing More Coal

State-owned Coal India Limited (CIL) is the world’s largest producer (465 million tonnes/year), but underperformance has the country moving toward imports and privatization. CIL’s output/employee/year has been around 1,200 tonnes, compared to over 10,000 tonnes in Australia. Capital expenditures for domestic assets this year were less than $800 million, in contrast to China’s Shenua Group, which spends a few billion dollars a year increasing coal production. It’s no wonder that India’s coal supplies and transportation systems are struggling to keep pace with surging demand, and more foreign coal are needed to fill the gap. Prime Minister Modi’s “Make in India” campaign will bring in foreign firms to build factories, expand economic growth, and elevate India’s living standards, still among the lowest of the emerging markets. India’s real GDP/capita is just $1,700, versus $4,560 for the rest of the developing world.
India’s Coal Imports Have Nearly Tripled Since 2008
Screen Shot 2014-11-05 at 8.33.27 PM
Source: EIA; Reuters; The Sydney Morning Herald
The Need for Coal-Based Electricity
India is easily the most energy-deprived nation on Earth, with 1) 700 million lacking modern energy services, 2) 310 million lacking electricity, and 3) just a 700 kWh/capita/year electricity use rate (80% below the global average). India’s long-term demand for thermal coal stems from a massive coal-fired build out (Ultra Mega Power Plants, UMPP) that will deploy larger (capacities > 4,000 MW) and much more efficient (> 43% vs. 29% for subcritical) super/ultra-supercritical plants to reduce feed and emissions. Well more than half of new coal-based capacity for the 12th Five Year Plan (2012-2017) will deploy these advanced coal technologies. Cheaper, more reliable baseload coal power will help alleviate widespread electricity shortages that have been eroding the Indian economy by some $65 billion a year! Power Minister Goyal has coal playing an “essential role” in his $250 billion plan to provide “Power for All” by 2019. Per the International Energy Agency (IEA), coal is expected to rise from 43% of total energy supply today to 46% in 2020 and 51% in 2035, while maintaining its ~68% hold on electricity.
Importantly, India has watched neighbor China leverage coal power to lift 650 million people out of poverty since 1990, and sail past the global average for Human Development Index. Over that time, China’s per capita coal electricity use rate increased to 3,200 kWh, up from just 420 kWh in 1990. Wanting the same, India’s coal demand structure has evolved from 54% power generation in 1990 to 68% today, against 85% in the EU and 93% in the U.S. Since 2000, India’s coal power has nearly doubled to 800 TWh, while real GDP/capita doubled and Health Adjusted Life Expectancy increased 5 years to 58. India’s new modern coal plants are reducing SO2, NOx, and particulates and slash CO2 emissions by nearly 40%. And despite staggering energy poverty, India has impressively lowered its carbon intensity (on a PPP level) by ~17% since 2006 (when UMPP started), on par with EU progress. Indeed, environmental groups MUST realize that even under the IEA’s highly optimistic best-case policy projection for renewables (450 Scenario), wind and solar together will be just 8% of India’s electricity in 2020 and 17% in 2035. And even then, 20 years from now, Indians at most are expected to consume just 20% of WHAT AMERICANS CONSUME TODAY. Note: refrigerators are among the biggest consumers of electricity in homes, generally using more than the average Indian uses in total.
The Incredible Scale of Latent Demand for Coal-Based Electricity in India
Screen Shot 2014-11-04 at 1.47.49 PM Source: IEA


India’s Coal Generation Capacity Will Nearly Quadruple (2011-2035)
Screen Shot 2014-11-04 at 8.10.35 PM Source: IEA, WEO 2013; Mining Weekly
The Need for More Coal to Make Steel 
Met (metallurgical) coal is used to produce coke which is critical in steelmaking. Indian steelmakers used ~40 million tonnes of met coal last year, and imports could more than triple to 110 million tonnes by 2025, while steel capacity also triples to 300 million tonnes. India’s needs for more met coal and steel arise from a rapid urbanization process that has population centers swelling by nearly 15 million people annually. India is still just 32% urbanized, compared to 52% in China and 82% in the U.S. Thus, India’s per capita steel use is still very low at 57 kg/year, versus 310 kg in the U.S. and 480 kg in China. Steel and Mines Minister Tomar wants to roll back the 2.5% customs duty on met coal to help the domestic steel industry. Global overcapacity has met coal markets at the bottom of the cycle, and the inevitable recovery is emerging (see here and here). Coal market watchers remember: 1) cities are built on electricity, steel, and cement (coal is the basis of all three) and 2) global cities are expanding by ~75 million people a year.
Coal Imports Will Continue to Boom 
The IEA projects that India will be the world’s largest coal importer by 2020. India’s large reserves (5th globally at 61 million tonnes) should be tempered by a few factors:
  • India needs more capital intensive underground mining, which has stagnated from an over-focus on cheaper opencast mining. Underground mines account for 60% of CIL’s mines, but they only account for ~10% of the company’s total production, versus 95% in China, 40% in the U.S., and 28% in Australia.
  • Technical and institutional problems have restricted the mechanized longwall technology used to minimize underground mining losses. India’s underground output requires a quantum jump from 0.50 to 2.7 tonnes per man year.
  • The true size of India’s coal endowment isn’t known. Natural resources in the country are often assessed geologically, not the more appropriate techno-economically. Technical energy terms like “resources” and “reserves” have been misused in Indian appraisals.
  • The quality of Indian coals is lower, especially high ash and low calorific values. Indian coal does have low sulfur content, but this leads to less boiler efficiency, meaning more coal input per output unit.
  • India’s own met coal supply has been falling, and domestic reserves constitute just 13% of the country’s total. Many are inaccessible because they sit under communities or land reserved for farming.
Congestion persists, but India’s improvements in coal import infrastructure center on smaller and deeper ports. Imports are up after the Supreme Court ruled in August that India’s longstanding method of allocating coal mining concessions was “illegal and arbitrary.” UMPP (started in 2006) focuses specifically on coal imports because the more efficient plants being deployed need higher quality coal to achieve full load. Larger plants can obtain the economies of scale to compensate for the higher costs associated with foreign coal. India’s domestic thermal coal is currently around $10 or $20 cheaper per tonne than imports, so a bifurcated approach using imported coal with high-efficiency global technologies could establish a pathway for Indian coals. Many boilers in India are jumbo-sized because of the elevated ash content of local coal, and these units can blend higher quality imports with domestic varieties.
India’s Coal Imports Will Continue to Boom
Screen Shot 2014-11-05 at 8.43.00 PM Source: IEA, WEO 2013 (current policies)

Source: Forbes


ANALYSIS BLOG

Blog

The future of coal in China, India, Australia, the US, EU, and UK

  • 16 Jul 2014, 13:00
  • Mat Hope
Have reports of coal's demise been greatly exaggerated? It depends which part of the world you look at.
Global coal use has grown significantly over the last decade, with global demand increasing 60 per cent between 1990 and 2011, according to research body the International Energy Agency (IEA). With some countries implementing climate policies to limit the use of polluting fuels, some commentators are predicting coal's imminent demise.
Bp Global Coal Consumption
Source: BP Statistical Review of World Energy
That's probably premature. While some European countries are ramping up renewables, shutting coal plants and closing mines, other parts of the world are planning an extraction frenzy to feed emerging economies' seemingly insatiable energy demand.
Here's a quick guide to coal's prospects around the world.
China: Coal is dominating the market
China is the world's largest coal user, producer and importer. Motivated by air quality concers, China is making some efforts to reduce use of coal power, but the country still uses a huge amount of coal - 4.2 billion tonnes in 2012, according to the Energy Information Administration.
That's about four times as much as the whole of Europe consumed the same year.
US EIA Coal CHina RoW
Source: US Energy Information Administration
Last September, the government prohibited the building of new coal power plants in three populated areas around Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou as part of the country's national action plan. That should help curb coal power generation. But the World Resources Institute, an environmental thinktank, says further national policies will be needed if the country is to make significant steps to reduce power sector emissions.
China Coal Miner
Credit: ZHart
The IEAexpects China to continue to be a major industrial coal consumer. Aside from the power sector, the iron, steel and cement industries all rely on the fuel for heat and power. As such, coal is set to continue as China's main energy source all the way up to 2035, and possibly beyond, according to the IEA. And China will continue to ramp up coal production to meet demand, the IEA says.
India: Coal boom
India is currently the world's third largest coal consumer, and demand for the fuel is set to grow in coming decades. PwC, a consultancy, projects India's coal demand will grow by about seven per cent each year for the next decade. The IEA expects India to more than double its coal consumption by 2035.
Commercial, technical and legal difficulties - alongside a series of major political scandals - have held up the expansion of India's mining industry. That means that while India produces a lot of coal, it's unlikely to be able to increase production quickly enough to meet rocketing demand - creating an ever-largening gap between production and demand, as this chart shows:
PWC India Coal
Source: PwC, The Indian coal sector: Challenges and future outlook
That means India is likely to become increasingly depend on imports, and is set to become the world's largest coal importer by around 2020, according to the IEA.
Australia: Relying on exports
While some have argued that a solar power boom means the Australian coal industry is no longer economically viable, the country remains the world's second-largest coal exporter.
While domestic consumption is expected to reduce in coming years, the Australian Bureau of Resources and Energy Economics (BREE), an Australian government economic research unit, still thinks coal has a future.
Collie Coal Mine Australia
Credit: Calistemon
Electricity consumption from coal is expected to get squeezed in the coming decades as renewable energy - particularly small scale solar - starts to become more competitive, the BREE predicts. Likewise, domestic energy consumption from coal is expected to tail off (the dark blue bars on the chart below).
BREE Australian Coal
Source: Australian Bureau of Resources and Energy Economics data. Graph by Carbon Brief.
In contrast, BREE expects coal production (the light blue bars on the chart above) to increase up to 2035, before falling slightly.
BREE predicts that coal production will be at a higher level in 2050 than it was in 2013, with most of the coal likely to be exported to Asia's emerging economies, as China's demand drops.
USA: Coal going strong despite shale gas
The US uses the most coal of any developed economy, according to the IEA - with the country accounting for 45 per cent of the OECD's total coal consumption.
Powder River Basin
Credit: Doc Searle
Coal is primarily used for power generation. Despite the country's well publicised shale gas boom, coal remains the main fuel used for electricity generation, generating about 40 per cent of the US's power in 2013, with gas producing about 29 per cent, according to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), the energy statistics department of the US government.
The EIA doesn't expect this to change much in the next two decades. It projects coal providing about 40 per cent of the US's power in 2035, despite the President's much lauded plans to curb coal power generation.
Similarly, the US is likely to keep producing a lot of coal. The EIA expects coal production to increase gradually to 2035, with most of the fuel exported.
US Coal Production EIA
Source:
US Energy Information Administration. Graph by Carbon Brief.
EU: Long term squeeze
It's a very different picture on the other side of the Atlantic, where the EU's long term commitment to addressing climate change should see coal increasingly squeezed out of the energy mix.
The European Commission expects energy consumption from coal to halve by 2050, from 16 per cent to 8 per cent. As renewables increase their share of electricity generation, much less coal is expected to be used to fuel the region's power stations. The commission projects coal generation will account for 12 per cent of the EU's electricity in 2030, and 7 per cent in 2050 - down from 24 per cent in 2010.
Although the EU's coal consumption has dropped significantly over the last two decades, there has been a slight uptick in recent years, as the graph below shows. That's partly down to countries using cheap coal imports for power generation instead of less-polluting gas, in part as a consequence of the US shale gas boom.
Eurostats Solid Fuel Consumption
Source: Eurostats, Inland energy consumption by fuel: solid fuels, by 1,000 tonnes of oil equivalent
In the long term, the downward trend in coal use is likely to resume. Policies such as the large combustion plant directive and industrial emissions directive which limit air pollution are expected to force many coal plants to reduce the amount they operate, and eventually shut.
Officials hope the EU's energy efficiency policies and renewable energy goals will also see the region use less energy and switch to less polluting power sources.
UK: A coal minnow
The EU trends are expected to be reflected in the UK.
A new report from the network operator National Grid looks at four ways the government could decarbonise the UK's energy sector. Unsurprisingly, coal has a limited role in each of them.
The scenarions show coal's share of the UK's power generation falling to between one and nine per cent by 2035, down from around 40 per cent today.
Gas could be expected to take over as the primary fossil fuel used to generate electricity, with perhaps as much as 47 per cent of our electricity coming from gas in 2035, National Grid suggests.
National Grid Future Generation

Source: National Grid, 'Going Green' scenario in the  Future Energy Scenarios 2014
Coal and the UK's climate legislation are basically incompatible, barring large-scale carbon capture and storage. The UK has a legally binding commitment to reduce emissions by 80 per cent by 2050. As the power sector currently accounts for about 30 per cent of the country's emissions, a lot of the cuts will have to be made by switching to cleaner sources, like nuclear or renewables. EU legislation also requires the UK to ramp up renewables and phase outold coal power plants.
But as the data we've just discussed suggests, without international efforts to decarbonise, it's likely the coal that the UK or Europe would have used will still get burned somewhere. Coal's global future ultimately depends on whether policymakers implement stringent climate policy.
In summary, a range of projections suggest coal is not dead and is probably not going to die any time soon. For now, assessments of the coal industry's health rather depend on which part of the world is under the microscope.

 

Licensed under a creative commons license

Published by Climate Brief Ltd - Company No. 07222041

Peak (thermal) coal ?

December 10th, 2012
Most of the news on CO2 emissions has been bad. In particular, there are plenty of stories suggesting that coal-fired electricity is booming, and that this can be expected to continue. Although the evidence is mixed, I’m coming to the opposite conclusion. It’s already clear that no new coal-fired power stations will be constructed in the US for some time to come, and that many old ones will close, thanks to cheap gas and EPA regulations. And, while there are some new stations coming on-line in the EU, closures will predominate there too, although they still need to work out what to do with Poland.
But the big news is from China. Not that long ago, the standard story was that China was turning on two new coal-fired power stations every week. Now as this AFR report (paywalled, but another version here) says, China is cutting back hard on coal expansion. I found this story from March, in which the China Electricity Council says that it expects coal consumption in 2015 to be below the 2011 level, implying that the peak is very near. India is also planning some big expansions, but if China can grow without coal, so can they.
All of this suggests that the peak in global use of thermal coal could be much closer than is generally thought. Demand for metallurgical coal, used to produce steel, seems much more robust at least as long as investment-driven growth continues apace in China and India. Looking at the other fossil fuels, we reached plateau oil at least five years ago. On the other hand, gas (less carbon-intensive than the others, but still a source of CO2) is booming. So, there’s still a lot of work to be done before we can end the growth in emissions, let alone start on the 80 per cent reductions we need.


Introduction

Ramagundam Thermal Power Station, Andhra Pradesh
Coal is the main commercial energy fuel in India, amounting to 55% of installed electrical capacity in 2011[1]Ambitious plans by the Indian government to extend the electrification rate from its 2005 level of approximately 44% to the whole population, as well as catering for rapid growth in industrial and household consumption, are driving plans for a massive expansion of installed electricity capacity.
India has "proved" coal reserves estimated by the Ministry of Coal at 93 billion tonnes and are estimated to be sufficient for 30 to 60 years; however Indian coal is of low quality as it has a high ash content.[2] In August 2010, the EIA projected that India has coal reserves of 62,300 million short tons.[3]

2007-2012: The Rush to Build Coal Plants

For more details, see Proposed coal plants in India and Existing coal plants in India

2007-2011: The rush begins

As shown in Table 1 below, India's coal plant capacity was relatively stagnant through the end of the 10th Plan on March 31, 2007. Since then, growth has been rapid, including a 79% increase in capacity from March 31, 2007 through May 31, 2012 (mostly since the beginning of 2010) and an additional 76% increase represented by projects currently under construction. [4][5]

Table 1: Coal plant capacity additions since 1985, and current capacity under construction

DateCapacity (MW)Growth (MW)Growth ratePeriod
31-Mar-8526,311


31-Mar-9244,79118,48070%(7 years)
31-Mar-9754,1549,36321%(5 years)
31-Mar-0262,1317,97715%(5 years)
31-Mar-0763,9511,8203%(5 years)
31-May-12114,78250,83179%(5 years, 2 months)
Under construction 5/31/12
87,12276%

2012: The plant boom shows signs of slowing, but hundreds of projects remain in the pipeline

In August 2011, a study by Prayas Energy Group found approximately 590,000 megawatts (MW) of coal projects in the pipeline, having received or expecting imminent environmental approval.[6][7] However, since the release of the Prayas study there has been a major slowdown among planners of new coal capacity. As shown in Table 2, 41,650 MW of projects were deferred (i.e. progress was on hold) as of May 31, 2012, and an additional 22,420 MW of projects had been cancelled. The reasons for the slowdown were multiple: (1) Dramatic rises in the cost of imported coal; (2) Insufficiency in domestic coal output; (3) An unfolding domestic crisis over the integrity of the coal allocation process, known as "Coalgate," (4) Difficulties obtaining financing. Nevertheless, 87,122 MW or projects were under construction as of May 31, 2012 and an additional 68,200 MW of projects were in advanced development, having achieved most milestones (permits, water, land, coal, and financing).

Table 2: Summary statistics for proposed coal plants in India

Status# of PlantsCapacity (MW)Annual Tons of CO2
Proposed133157,122929,169,540
Early development114157,002928,462,853
Advanced development5866,220391,605,267
Construction10987,122515,213,441
Newly commissioned (since 1/1/2010)6237,378221,042,309
Deferred3050,270297,281,739
Cancelled1922,420132,585,172
Unconfirmed2024,685145,979,704
Uncertain614,66086,694,854
Total551616,8793,648,034,879


For a complete table of over 400 proposed coal plants in India, sortable by state, project name, sponsor, size, status, and CO2 emissions, see Proposed coal plants in India.
Proposedcoal.jpg

Ultra Mega Power Projects

For more details, see Ultra Mega Power Projects in India.
India has proposed a series of 'ultra mega' coal-fired power stations of 4,000 megawatts or more.
The program of Ultra Mega Power Projects (UMPP) was introduced in 2005 by the Ministry of Power in association with the Central Electricity Authority and the Power Finance Corporation to overcome bureaucratic obstacles hindering the development of large thermal plants and thereby address India's chronic power deficits.[8]"The government’s capacity addition programme has been grossly inadequate in the past. In the 9th and 10th Plans, less than 50% of the targeted capacity was added. In the on-going 11th Plan, while the Centre had originally planned to add 768,577 MW [sic - one digit too many] of capacity, the power ministry has now scaled down the target to 62,000 MW," wrote Amiti Sen & Subhash Narayan in the Economic Times.[9] The Ministry of Power stated that the projects would be 'super critical' coal plants which would either be located at the pithead of specific coal deposits or at coastal projects to be based on imported coal.
In an attempt to make the projects attractive for private sector investors, the Ministry of Power, the Central Electricity Authority and the Power Finance Corporation determined that it "was deemed necessary to provide the site, fuel linkage in captive mining blocks, water and obtain environment and forests clearance, substantial progress on land acquisition leading to possession of land, through a Shell Company." The shell companies were also given the initial task for finalizing agreements with power purchasers.[10]
The Ministry stated that the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) had selected the sites in consultation with state governments with the coastal sites being the Mundra, Krishnapatnam, Tadri, Girye, and Cheyyur projects. The mine pithead sites are the Sasan, Tilaiya, Sundergarh and Akaltara projects.[10]
Here is the status of proposed Ultra Mega Power Projects as of July 2012:
StatePlantCompanyMWAnnual CO2 (tons)TypeStatusYear
Andhra PradeshKrishnapatnam Ultra Mega Power Project 1-2Reliance Power13207,806,085
Deferred2013
Andhra PradeshKrishnapatnam Ultra Mega Power Project 3-6Reliance Power264015,612,170
Deferred2015
Andhra PradeshPudimadaka Ultra Mega Power ProjectNTPC400023,654,803SupercriticalAdvanced development
Andhra PradeshVadarevu Ultra Mega Power Project Stages II-IIIAndhra Pradesh Power Generation Corporation (APGENCO)240014,192,882
Proposed
Andhra PradeshVaradevu Ultra Mega Power Project Stage IAndhra Pradesh Power Generation Corporation (APGENCO)16009,461,921
Early development
ChhattisgarhAkaltara Ultra Mega Power ProjectAkaltara Power400023,654,803
Deferred
ChhattisgarhSurguja Ultra Mega Power Projectnot selected400023,654,803
Uncertain
GujaratTata Mundra Ultra Mega Power Project 1Tata Power8004,730,961SupercriticalNewly commissioned2011
GujaratTata Mundra Ultra Mega Power Project 2-3Tata Power16009,461,921SupercriticalConstruction2013
GujaratTata Mundra Ultra Mega Power Project 4-5Tata Power16009,461,921SupercriticalAdvanced development2014
JharkhandTilaiya Ultra Mega Power Project 1-5Reliance Power330019,515,213SupercriticalEarly development2015
JharkhandTilaiya Ultra Mega Power Project 6Reliance Power6603,903,043SupercriticalEarly development2017
Madhya PradeshSasan Ultra Mega Power Project 1-2Reliance Power13207,806,085SupercriticalConstruction2013
Madhya PradeshSasan Ultra Mega Power Project 3Reliance Power6603,903,043SupercriticalConstruction2014
Madhya PradeshSasan Ultra Mega Power Project 4-5Reliance Power13207,806,085SupercriticalConstruction2015
Madhya PradeshSasan Ultra Mega Power Project 6Reliance Power6603,903,043SupercriticalConstruction2016
MaharashtraDevgad UMPPNTPC400023,654,803
Uncertain
MaharashtraGirye Ultra Mega Power Projectnot yet determined400023,654,803
Deferred
OrissaGhogarpalli Ultra Mega Power ProjectPower Finance Corporation400023,654,803
Proposed
OrissaSakhigopal Ultra Mega Power ProjectPower Finance Corporation400023,654,803
Proposed
OrissaSundargarh Ultra Mega Power Project (Lankahuda)NTPC400023,654,803
Proposed
Tamil NaduCheyyur Ultra Mega Power ProjectCoastal Tamil Nadu Power400023,654,803
Proposed
Tamil NaduMarakkanam Super Thermal Power ProjectNTPC400023,654,803
Proposed

Financing of India's coal plants

Financing of India's coal rush is an under-studied topic. The Power Finance Corporation is the lead government-owned entity, and it is the "nodal agency" for the program of Ultra Mega Power Projects. International public investment institutions such as the World Bank have also played a significant role in financing India's coal plants, and that role has been highly controversial due to the application of funds from the Clean Development Mechanism for new coal plants. Private equity has been a smaller factor but is growing rapidly.[11]

Domestic Coal Mining

Between 1996 and 2005 Indian hard coal production increased from 285 million tonnes to 397.7 million tonnes in 2005. In addition, 37.1 million tonnes were estimated to have been imported in 2005 with a total coal consumption of 433.4 million tonnes. The World Coal Institute estimates that coal demand could grow to 758 million tonnes in 2030.[12]
In 2011 it was reported that India was the third largest miner in the world and will produce around 554 million tonnes of coal, but will burn 696 million.[13][14]
Government sources said the production target for Coal India (CIL) is likely to be set at 464 million tonnes (MT) for 2012-13. CIL has decreased its current production target to 440 MT from 452 MT, and has also decreased its production target for the 2011-12 to 448 MT. CIL has emphasized delays in the grant of forestry and environmental clearances for decreased output.[15] Other problems include coal shortages and high fuel prices.[16] In January 2012 the chairman of CIL, Nirmal Chandra Jha, is quoted as saying delays in rail construction has been a major factor in lower than expected coal output. He stated, "For over a couple of years, our production has not grown, but our inventory at rail sidings all across kept piling up." One rail project connecting the Vasundhara and Mand-Raigarh rails had a completion date of March 2012 (end of 11th Five Year Plan) but is currently not close to completion, with one connector track not yet started.[17]
It was reported in July 2012 that the ministry of environment and forest gave conditional approval to 15 mines operated by PSU coal miner Coal India.[18]

Coal leases

In March 2012, it was reported that India’s government lost hundreds of billions of dollars by selling coalfields to companies without competitive bidding, according to a leaked audit report that the auditor itself called misleading. Opposition party leaders demanded an explanation from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of why about 155 coalfields were sold to select private and state-run companies without competitive bidding, resulting in an estimated loss of nearly $210 billion.[19]

Coal Reserves

A report issued by India think tank Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) in December 2009 estimated that the country has approximately 45 years' worth of usable coal reserves. Previous estimates from geological studies had suggested that India had about 267 billion tonnes of coal, including approximately 105 billion tonnes of proven reserves, which could last for up to 200 years. The TERI report said the revised estimate showed the importance of developing policy initiatives for renewable energy, including aggressive promotion of solar energy technologies. Rajendra Pachauri, TERI's director-general, said, "It's a myth that India has a virtually unlimited supply of coal. Much of our coal is so deep that it cannot be mined." According to the report, India will have to increase its coal imports to about 1,300 million tonnes per year by 2030, unless initiatives are launched to lessen the country's dependence on coal - if renewable energy initiatives are launched effectively, coal imports could be restricted to 200 million tonnes per year.[20]
In August 2010, the EIA projected that India has coal reserves of 62,300 million short tons.[21]
In May 2011, the coal ministry said it plans to redefine the boundaries of 28 coal blocks in the country, to "help in improving availability of the essential fuel by 34 per cent." Out of a total 602 coal blocks in nine coalfields in the country, the environment ministry said the available areas for mining in the country would increase by up to 64 per cent from 59 per cent, according to estimates of the coal ministry.[22]
On June 24, 2011, India Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh approved coal blocks in Chhattisgarh, after overruling the Forest Advisory Committee. Out of three blocks - Parsa East, Kante Basan and Tara in the Hasdeo-Arand forest region - the first two are allotted for Rajasthan and third is for Chhattisgarh.[23]

Major Indian Coal Companies

The World Coal Institute states that "almost all of India's 565 [coal] mines are operated by Coal India and its subsidiaries, which account for about 86% of the country's coal production. Current policy allows private mines only if they are ‘captive' operations, i.e. they feed a power plant or factory. Most of the coal production in India comes from opencast mining, contributing over 83% of the total production. Coal India employs some 460,000 people and is one of the largest five companies in India."[24]
The USGS estimates coal production from major wholly Coal India owned subsidiaries as being:
  • Bharat Coking Coal Limited;
  • Bihar Coking Coal Ltd which operates in Bihar and West Bengal and has an annual capacity of 26 million tonnes;
  • Central Coalfields Ltd which operates in Bihar and has an annual capacity of 27 million tonnes;
  • Eastern Coalfields Ltd which operates in Bihar and West Bengal and has an annual capacity of 21 million tonnes;
  • Mahanadi Coalfields Ltd which operates in Orissa and has an annual capacity of 21 million tonnes;
  • North-Eastern Coalfields Ltd which operates in Assam and has an annual capacity of 640 million tonnes;
  • Northern Coalfields Ltd which operates in Indian Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh and has an annual capacity of 24 million tonnes;
  • South Eastern Coalfields Ltd. which operates in Madhya Pradesh and has an annual capacity of 36 million tonnes;
  • Western Coalfields Ltd. which operates in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra and has an annual capacity of 18 million tonnes;
  • Neyveli Lignite Corporation which operates in Tamil Nadu and has an annual capacity of 17 million tonnes of lignite.
Another major coal mining operation is Singareni Collieries Co. Ltd., India’s oldest coal miner, and the second largest Indian coal miner after Coal India. SCCL operates 13 opencast and 42 underground mines in the Godavari River Valley, in southern India (Andhra Pradesh), producing 52-million tons a year of coal, as of 2011.[25] SCCL is 50% owned by the Andhra Pradesh State government and 50% by the Indian government. In 2006, it had an annual capacity of 18 million tonnes.[26]

Children miners

An estimated 70,000 children work in the coal mines in the Jaintia Hills in northeast India, according to Impulse, a children’s rights organization working to end the practice. The youngest of the miners are just 7 years old. An article in The Christian Science Monitor reported that many work for a few dollars a day – $5 per cartload of coal – in narrow, unreinforced seams in 5,000 small mines. Most are Nepalese, who are allowed to apply to work there, but many are Bangladeshis, who are there illegally. Others are Indian. Some have been sold by their families as indentured laborers, according to Impulse.[27]
The number of children working in the state's 5,000 coal mines is a matter of dispute, with Impulse estimating tens of thousands and local politicians putting it in the hundreds. In May 2011, the LA Times reported that most of the children miners work in Meghalaya, where the government "with only seven labor inspectors and no vehicle, all but ignores child labor and safety problems, keen to goose the economy" and that the government "acknowledged that 222 children worked in 20 villages mining and hauling coal and doing related jobs, but it has done nothing to rescue them."[28]

Coalbed methane in India

On January 4, 2011, Great Eastern Energy said it had signed an agreement with the Tamil Nadu government for the development of gas reserves lying below coal seams in the Mannargudi block in the state. Great Eastern was awarded the Mannargudi block located near Tiruchirapalli in June 2010 in the fourth round of bidding for Coal Bed Methane (CBM) blocks. Great Eastern is the first company to commercially produce CBM in India. Great Eastern is currently producing CBM from its block in Raniganj, West Bengal, and is already supplying CBM to various industrial customers in and around Asansol/Durgapur, West Bengal as well as syngas to vehicles through India Oil petrol pumps and, potentially, Bharat Petroleum outlets as well. The Mannargudi block is spread over an area of 691 sq km and the CBM resource is estimated at 0.98 trillion cubic feet.[29]

Mining Deaths

The Union Ministry of Coal released information stating that 342 people died in accidents in mines operated by public sector undertakings (PSUs) over the past four years. "Experts say that non-compliance with safety regulations have led to these deaths." The companies with the most accidental deaths are the South Eastern Coalfields Limited (SECL) with 67 deaths, Singareni Collieries Company Limited (SCCL)with 54 deaths, and Western Coal Limited (WCL) with 51 deaths. The government ascribes most of the accidents to roof collapse, inundation, explosion of fire damp, coal dust explosion, premature collapse of workings, ignition of fire damp, water gas explosion and fire/suffocation by gases. "All these companies are subsidiary companies of Coal India limited (CIL)." Souparno Banerjee of Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) argues that "safety practices in most mines are inadequate"... "Even the health aspect of miners is being neglected which causes casualties in the long term," he said.[30] However, not all mining deaths are reported. In the state of Meghalaya, some state laws overrule national ones. Some state laws were enacted to protect small coal industries, but "many mines are owned by state and national lawmakers or their relatives". "[D]eaths in Meghalaya aren't recorded or investigated, with most hushed up to avoid mines being shuttered."[31]

Trapped Miners

During a major power blackout in India in late July 2012, two hundred workers became stranded in three coal mines in West Bengal when a blackout affecting half the country cut off electricity to elevators in their underground pits, a mining company official said.[32]

Proposed coal projects

Proposed coal-to-liquids projects

In March 2009 the Indian government announced that it had awarded two coal blocks for the development of two different coal-to-liquids projects in the state of Orissa. These are:
  • the north Arkhapal coal block to Strategic Energy Technology Systems Ltd, a 50:50 joint venture between Tata Power and Sasol Synfuels International, the international synfuels subsidiary of Sasol. It is projected that the $10 billion.[33] plant would produce 80,000 barrels of crude oil a day.[34] In early 2010 Orissa's Chief minister Naveen Patnaik told reporters that "though we have not identified the location, the proposed plant will be somewhere in the state." It was also reported that the coal would come from the Srirampur area in Talcher. The Business Standard also stated that the project "requires 3,000 acre of land for its main plant, additional land would be required for setting up coal mines, benefication plants, coal handling plants, water reservoirs, power plants and a township" and would involved the establishment of a 1600 megawatt power station. The newspaper also reported that the joint venture was "yet to make a formal application" for the plant the company was pressing the state government "to provide adequate facilities for early commissioning of the project."[35] (See Srirampur Coal-to-Liquids Project for more details).
  • the Ramchandi block to Jindal Steel and Power Limited (JSPL) is projected to produce 80,000 barrels per day will use the German Lurgi technology. The plant is proposed to be established at Kishore Nagar in Angul district of Orissa. Waste coal from the washery is proposed to be used as fuel for a 1,350MW power station. [34] (See Kishore Nagar Coal-to-Liquids Project for more details).

Estimated number of new plants approved

According to the Sierra Club, India approved 173 coal fired power plants in 2010.[36]
According to Economic and Political Weekly, if you count only projects that have a capacity of 500 MW or above, data from the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) indicates that since 2006, environmental clearance has been given to nearly 200 thermal coal projects for generating close to 220,000 MW of power: "To put this number in perspective, the total existing electricity generation capacity in the country – from thermal, nuclear, hydro, and other sources – was just over 176,990 MW at the end of June 2011 (CEA 2011). The thermal generation capacity expansion underway works out to 1.3 times the total generation capacity in the country." The top six coal-mining states – Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh (MP), and Andhra Pradesh (AP) – account for close to half of the capacity addition. Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Gujarat account for a third. The remaining is spread across Uttar Pradesh (UP), Bihar, Haryana, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Punjab, Delhi and Tripura.[37]
According to an August 2011 report by Prayas Energy -- a non-governmental, non-profit organisation based in Pune -- the India Ministry has so far given environmental clearances to coal and gas-based power plants whose capacity totals 192,913 MW, while another 508,907 MW are at various stages in the environmental clearance cycle, for a total of 701,820 MW. Coal-based plants account for 84% of the projects. These additions are more than six times the currently installed thermal capacity of 113,000 MW.[38]

Andhra Pradesh, India

As of 2011, the installed capacity in the state of Andhra Pradesh is 15,800 MW. According to a survey by the Central Electricity Authority, the peak electrical demand in the state is expected to reach 28,215 MW by 2021. According to Grist, there are 117 proposed power plants in the state, geared to generate an additional 77,800 MW; of this, 55,925 MW will be coal-based.[39] According to the Guardian, seven major and more than 30 smaller coal-powered power stations are planned, together intended to have a capacity of 56GW.[40]
There has been community resistance against coal plants in Andhra Pradesh, particularly in the Srikakulam District, where six coal plants are proposed including the Nagarjuna Construction Company Sompeta Thermal Plant, and the Krishnapatnam port, where 24 plants are proposed. Police are reported to be unleashing violence and intimidation to suppress villagers as they struggle to protect their livelihood and habitats.[41]
The Nagarjuna Construction Company Sompeta Thermal Plant is a 2640 MW coal-fired power plant proposed for Sompeta in Andhra Pradesh, India. In the wake of highly publicized protests and the killings of local residents by police, the project's environmental clearance was revoked by the ministry of environment and forests in July, 2010.[42]
The Bhavanapadu Thermal Power Project is a 2,640 megawatt (MW) coal-fired power station proposed by East Coast Energy to be constructed in Andhra Pradesh, India.[43]

Environment Minister approves sixteen coal projects

On February 11, 2011 India's Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh approved a total of sixteen new coal projects that were on hold due to environmental regulations. Coal Minister Sriprakash Jaiswal stated that the environment minister’s okay of Coal India's proposed coal mine projects was due to pressure from higher levels in the Indian government. The Coal Minister also stated that environmental regulations are one of the reasons why the growth of Coal India – which produces 80 percent of the country's coal – dropped to 2 percent in 2010, compared to 2009's figure of almost 7 percent. However, the Coal Minister said the areas off limits to coal mining would remain off limits, despite the likely increase in the country's coal use.[44]

DB Power's proposed Dharamjaigarh coal mine and plant

DB Power is a subsidiary of DB Corp Ltd, a media conglomerate in India. DB Power is seeking the acquisition of 693.32 hectares of land for a coal mine, a project in Dharamjaigarh that would displace an estimated 524 families from six settlements to extract 2 million tonnes of coal annually. The coal would be used to fuel a 1320 MW thermal power plant that would be built in the adjoining district of Janjgir. After public protest against the proposed mine, DB Power submitted an affidavit pledging not to conduct any mining operations in nagar panchayat land. A supplementary letter filed at a Feb. 2011 public hearing promised to re-site any proposed water tanks and coal piles from nagar panchayat land to the remaining leased area. Four villages, however, would still lose their lands.[45]

The shortage of coal, rising coal prices, and the effect on proposed plants

Forty-two gigawatts of planned capacity has been mothballed as of Jan. 2012, due to coal supply bottlenecks and price curbs. Utilities won rights to build plants by bidding prices at which they would sell electricity. The utilities that have put additional coal capacity on hold had bid to sell electricity at an average of 2.5 rupees (5 cents) a kilowatt-hour, while current fuel prices put the cost of producing power at about 3 rupees a kilowatt-hour, slowing the growth of coal plants.[46]
The coal crisis has made financiers such as Infrastructure Development Finance Company (IDFC) wary of coal projects. In December 2011, IDFC managing director and CEO Rajiv Lall told The Times of India that IDFC was halting its financing of new coal-fired power plants. In an interview, Lall said,
"The biggest problem is in the power sector due to (un) availability of fuel, notably coal, and due to continuing challenges of the state electricity boards (SEBs). Coal India never really believed that we can add 50,000 mw capacity addition in the plan period. It was unprepared to meet the extra demand. It is also true that they have had challenges in terms of developing new mining assets because of the environment debate. Thousands of crores ave been invested in generating plants that are about to come on stream and will not have enough coal to allow them to function at their optimal capacity. This has all kinds of potential knock-on effect. As cash generation will decline, debt servicing capacity shrinks, banks will have to either restructure loans or they will have less capital to fund growth. As banks become nervous on funding such projects, they are not financing to build more capacities. Problems in land acquisition and environment have led to most entrepreneurs losing risk appetite. Public sector banks are not lending to SEBs. The structural problems can't be brushed under the carpet and tariffs have to be raised, which some states have done. We don't have any exposure to SEBs. We have ring-fenced our exposure to coal-fire projects very well. But if SEBs start defaulting, then we can't help it. We are basically not lending to new coal-fired projects... We will not get back to thermal until a couple of these issues are solved."[47]

Coal Exports

India has almost negligible coal exports, estimated to be at only 1.5 million tonnes in 2005.[12]

Coal Imports

Note: 1 metric ton (tonne) = 1.10231 short tons
Imports of Coal by India and year (million short tons)*[48]
Country20062007200820092010
India52.729.670.976.7101.6
(*Estimates are from the U.S. Energy Information Administration's International Energy Statistics.)
In 2009, India imported 67 mega tons (Mt) of coal, according to estimates by the World Coal Institute.[49] According to the U.S. EIA, in 2009 India mined 613.4 million, imported 77 million, and used 680.9 million short tons of coal.[50]
Indian coal imports are rising rapidly. According to India Coal Market Watch, from April 2008 through March 2009, the country imported 59 million metric tons (tonnes); from April 2009 through March 2010 imports rose 24 percent to 73.25 million tonnes.[51] India’s coal imports rose by 14 percent from 2009, to 86.28 million metric tons in 2010.[52]
In 2010, Chairman of Coal India Partha Bhattacharyya projected that India may import close to 100 million metric tons of coal in the year 2010 - ending March 31, 2011 - to meet growing demand, as India generates 70% or more of its electricity by burning coal.[53] In February 2011, Coal Minister Sriprakash Jaiswal projected that 2010/2011 imports would jump 70 percent to 142 million tonnes.[54] In September 2011 it was announced that the country could import approximately 114 million tonnes of coal in 2011/12, up by over a third from the 2010. Imports will come primarily from Indonesia and South Africa.[55] It was also reported that coal imports were up about 70 percent in the first six months of the year ending March 2011; [56]between April-October 2011, coal imports rose 51% compared to the same period during the previous year.[57]
In 2011, coal imports rose an estimated 7.6% from 2010 to 118.4 million metric tons. This fell short of previously projected imports due to economic factors. [58] It was announced in March 2012 that India's Coal Ministry was looking to remove a duty on coal imports to the country, potentially making it easier to import coal into India.[59]
In July 2012 Coal India reported that they planned to import up to 30 million metric tons of coal in 2012 in order to meet rising domestic demand and mitigate power shortages.[60]

Terminals

India is dependent on a number of coal terminals to bring these imports into the country. (See map at bottom of page.)

India coal ports

TerminalState/ProvinceOperatorAnnual Capacity (MM Tonnes)
Bedi PortGujarat

Cochin PortKerala
0.3
Dahanu PortMaharashtra

Dahej PortGujarat

Dharamtar PortMaharashtra

Ennore PortTamil Nadu

Gangavaram PortAndhra PradeshGangavaram Port Ltd.10
Haji Bunder Port (MBFL)MaharashtraMumbai Port Trust
Haldia PortWest Bengal

Nhava Sheva PortMaharashtraJawaharlal Nehru Port Trust
Kakinada PortAndhra Pradesh

Kandla PortGujarat

Karaikal PortPuducherry

Krishnapatnam PortAndhra Pradesh

Magadalla PortGujarat

Mormugao PortGoa
6.5
Muldwarka PortGujarat

Mundra PortGujaratAdani Enterprises40
New Mangalore PortKarnataka

Okha PortGujarat

Panjim (Panaji) PortGoa

Paradip PortOrissa
20
Pipavev PortGujaratAPM Terminals
Porbandar PortGujarat

Port of ChennaiTamil Nadu
15
Sikka PortGujarat

Tuticorin PortTamil Nadu
10
Visakhapatnam PortAndhra Pradesh

Future imports

Tata Power, a Tata group company, is looking for a strategic stake in Indonesian and South African coal mines for supply of 6-8 million tons of coal to fuel its 2x800MW thermal power project, the Mundra Ultra Mega Power Project. The company targets to acquire a stake that will assure 8-9 million tons of coal supply.[61] Tata Power is also seeking out coal from East Kalimantan and Mozambique.[62]
Coal India (CIL) plans to forge new deals with a mix of domestic and foreign companies. The latter includes BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto, and Vale of Brazil, as well as Vedanta Resources, a London-based metals producer that has embarked on a US$10 billion expansion of Indian coal mining to also increase its output of zinc, lead, and silver, and to power its expanding Jharsuguda aluminum smelter in Orissa. The Coal Ministry in early 2010 announced it was "encouraging" CIL to acquire or develop coal mining operations in Mozambique, Australia, Indonesia, South Africa and the US. The state company is also negotiating with Peabody Energy for stakes in four Australian mines, aimed at producing12 mt per annum by 2012.[62]
On August 2, 2010, news reports said India's Adani Group will buy a coal tenement in Queensland's Galilee Basis from Australia's Linc Energy. The deal could be worth more than 1 billion Australian dollars (900 million US), and would be the first time an Indian company has bought a coal seam rather than invested in a coal mining company. Adani is India's largest coal importer and a key player in India's plans to double power generation over the coming decade: there are 28 coal-fired plants under construction and another 28 on the drawing board. The value of shares in Linc has risen nearly 60 per cent since the start of July in anticipation of the sale of three Queensland coal assets. Linc's primary business is coal seam gas.[63]
It was announced in November 2011 that Coal India was in talks with Peabody Energy and Massey Energy about acquiring two of the companies' mines. Coal India has budgeted $1.2 billion to buy assets in the U.S., Indonesia and Australia during the year ending March 2011 as it battles a widening gap between domestic coal supply and demand.[64]
In early January 2011, MMTC, India's largest state-run trading company, announced that India was going to increase its coal imports from South Africa. Indian demand for South Africa’s coal contributed to Asia overtaking Europe in 2009 as the largest shipping destination for the fuel used in power plants.[65]
NTPC, India's largest state-owned energy provider, is "exploring" bilateral pacts with African nations to increase coal imports. Mozambique currently has such an arrangement with India.[66] The first shipment of 37,600 metric tons of coal was made January 18, 2012 by Vale, a private Brazilian based company.[67]
Peabody Energy Corporation reports that it will "rely on" demand for coal in India, among others, as demand in the United States decreases.[68]
In January 2012, Russia's Energy Minister Sergey Shmatko said the country will double its coal exports to Asia by 2030.[69]
BP's Energy Report details new projections that India will burn more coal than China by 2030. The report notes a plateau in Chinese coal demand following a stabilizing industrial system that will push India into the top spot.[70]
In July 2012 it was reported that India will need to import 185 million tons of coal annually by 2017 to the country's growing shortfalls. A draft paper by the government's commission on energy warned of "an urgent need to take effective measures to step up coal production".[71]

Indian company buys stake in Australian coal port

In April 2011, Indian company Adani Enterprises, the country’s largest coal importer, agreed to buy Australia's Abbot Point Coal Terminal for A$1.83bn ($1.98bn).
The purchase was among a number placed by Indian groups in Australia and elsewhere as the country to secure energy resources to meet rising demand for power to complete infrastructure projects in India.[72]

Funding and Programs for Clean Energy and Climate Change

India Rejects Calls to Reduce Greenhouse Gas Emissions

In June 2009, Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh said that India will reject any international treaty to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Ramesh said that the effort to cut global warming emissions should instead be undertaken by industrialized countries. Ramesh said India has pledged to contain per capita CO2 emissions below those of developed nations, but said, "There is no way India is going to accept any emission reduction target, period, between now and the Copenhagen meeting and thereafter."[73]

India carbon tax

On July 1, 2010, India imposed a carbon tax on coal producers, and expects to raise $535 million, the first step by Asia’s third-largest energy consumer to charge companies for fossil fuel pollution. Coal, used to fire more than half of India’s electricity generation, will be taxed at 50 rupees a metric ton to help fund clean-energy projects. Coal producers nationwide will be charged the tax starting July 1, 2010, the Central Board of Excise and Customs said in a notice on its website after the levy was proposed in the federal government budget in February. The clean-energy levy will also apply to imported coal, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee said in his budget speech. Coal emits more carbon dioxide per unit of energy than other fossil fuels, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.[74]

India and climate change mitigation

In August 2010, the Indian government announced it was sanctioning $6.4 billion to finance efforts to mitigate the impacts of climate change on the environmentally sensitive and populous areas of the country. The funds will be used to achieve the targets and goals mentioned in the National Action Plan on Climate Change released by the Prime Minister's Council on Climate Change in 2008. The plan of action to mitigate the impacts of climate change have been subdivided into eight broad categories covering the most critical areas: energy efficiency, solar energy, sustainable agriculture, water conservation, sustaining the Himalayan ecosystem, and building a knowledge base for understanding climate change and its impacts better.[62]

India and renewable energy

In May of 2011 it was reported that India plans to invest $37 billion to create 17,000 MW of renewable energy generation by 2017, the Ministry for New & Renewable Energy said in a statement. The projected investment would come primarily from the private sector.
The current operating renewable energy capacity in India is 20,000 MW, which accounts for 11% of the total power capacity in the country. The major share of power as of 2011 comes from coal which accounts for 40% of the country’s energy usage.
The Indian government had quadrupled its renewable energy targets earlier in 2011 as part of its national plan to reduce carbon intensity which aimed at installing 74.4 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2022 and reduction in carbon emissions intensity by 20-25% of 2005 levels over the next ten years.[75]
In February 2012, India's largest state-run lender to electricity utilities, Power Finance Corporation, announced it will increase lending to wind and solar plants from 1.2% to 4% of its total lending budget. Chairman Satnam Singh cited the volatility of coal prices as a factor in the decision. Praveen Kadle, managing director for Tata Capital Ltd., says escalating investment risk in coal plants has movitaved some investors to take their money elsewhere.[76]

Reports

Health costs of coal

The 2013 study "Coal Kills: An assessment of death and disease caused by India's dirtiest energy source," conducted by the NGOs Conservation Action Trust (CAT), Urban Emissions, and Greenpeace looked at emissions data of 111 coal-fired power plants (generation capacity of 121GW) and found that in 2011-2012:
  • emissions from Indian coal plants resulted in 80,000 to 115,000 premature deaths and more than 20 million asthma cases from exposure to total PM10 pollution; and
  • the monetary cost associated with the health impacts of coal exceed Rs.16,000 to 23,000 crores (USD $3.3 to 4.6 billion) per year.
NASA calculates that sulfur dioxide emissions from power plants in India increased by more than 60 percent between 2005 and 2012, based on satellite data.

New coal plants

According to the 2011 report "Thermal Power Plants on The Anvil : Implications And Need For Rationalisation" by Prayas (Initiatives in Health, Energy, Learning and Parenthood) -- a non-governmental, non-profit organisation based in Pune -- the India Ministry has given environmental clearances to coal and gas-based power plants whose capacity totals 192,913 MW, while another 508,907 MW are at various stages in the environmental clearance cycle, for a total of 701,820 MW. Coal-based plants account for 84% of the projects. These additions are more than six times the currently installed thermal capacity of 113,000 MW.
Many of the projects in pipeline will be geographically concentrated in a few areas: 30 districts (4.7% of the total 626 districts in India) will have more than half of the proposed plants, with their capacity adding up to about 380,000MW. Fifteen districts each have plants with capacities totaling 10,000 MW or more. Districts Janjgir-Champa and Raigarh in Chhatisgadh have the highest concentration of proposed plants in the country, with 30,470 MW and 24,380 MW planned, followed by Nellore in AP with 22,700 MW. The districts of Rewa (17,820 MW), Singrauli (15,240 MW), Sonbhadra (7,638 MW), Sidhi (5,240 MW, not in the top 30) and Allahabad (5,280 MW, not in top 30) are adjoining, and add up to a proposed capacity of 51,218 MW.
The private sector accounts for 73% of all projects, with 10 private corporate groups planning to build about 160,000 MW.
The report argues that: "These projects in pipeline represent a massive overcapacity in the making. Thus, valuable and scarce natural resources of land, water, gas and coal will be allocated to projects that are not required. Crucially, land for such TPPs [thermal power plants] is invariably acquired compulsorily by governments by using the Land Acquisition Act (LAA), which allows forcible acquisition for a public purpose. Given that the thermal capacity in pipeline is far in excess of that required, it is clear that many of these plants will not serve a public purpose. Hence, the use of the LAA to acquire land for such TPPs cannot be justified.
"...The report therefore recommends an immediate moratorium on any further environmental clearance to new power plants. Further, it also recommends that from the 200,000 MW that have already been given environmental clearance, projects with very high social and environmental impacts, projects that do not have broad local acceptance, and projects leading to sub-optimal use of transmission, fuel, land and water should be put on hold. It also calls for simultaneously initiating a fully transparent deliberative process to (a) completely revamp the environmental clearance procedures of power plants, so as to minimise social and environmental impacts of power projects, and mandate prior regional carrying capacity studies to decide on the extent of projects in an area, (b) to ensure a coordinated approach of different agencies for optimising fuel, land and water allocations for different projects and (c) to reassess the long term demand for power and measures to meet this demand in an optimal manner, including energy efficiency as well as renewable energy, so as to improve energy security and minimise the social and environmental damage due to power sector development."[77]

Citizen Action

Arrest of indigenous rights activists

On May 28, 2011, two indigenous rights activists, Ramesh Agrawal and Dr Harihar Patel, were arrested in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh and denied release on bail.
The state police charged the two men with “circulating defamatory material”, “disrupting public order” and “causing alarm and panic among the public” at a May 8, 2010 mandatory public consultation, held by the state pollution board at Tamnar village, relating to the proposed expansion of a coal-fired plant run by Jindal Steel and Power.
Agrawal and Patel expressed concerns that the expansion would lead to the forcible acquisition of lands from the surrounding local communities by the authorities. The two activists had objected to the proposal and cited an official inspection report which stated that the expansion began before the mandatory clearances were given. Ramesh Agrawal also successfully petitioned India’s Ministry of Environment and Forests to temporarily suspend the terms of reference for the expansion. Following a complaint relating to the delay, the state authorities decided to arrest the two activists.
Ramesh Agrawal works for the environmental rights organization Jan Chetna, and Dr Harihar Patel practices indigenous medicine. They had been actively campaigning against the pollution caused by existing industrial projects, including coal plants, and the potential negative environmental impact of proposed industrial projects in central Chhattisgarh. The two activists have been at the forefront of the campaign for the public disclosure of information relating to projects which affect local Adivasi (Indigenous) communities and for ensuring that these are available to the communities. Their arrest, Amnesty International believes, is intended to stop their peaceful campaign activities.
The two activists were sent to Raigarh prison until June 3, 2011, and a local court rejected their appeals for release on bail on June 2. Ramesh Agrawal, who complained of hypertension, was taken for treatment at a government-run hospital where he is being kept chained to his bed.[78]

World Bank financing

In October 2010 Green groups criticized the U.S. Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im Bank) for its expected final approval of hundreds of millions of dollars in subsidized federal financing for the 4,000 megawatts (MW) Sasan coal power plant and mine in India.
The groups also accused the Bank of falsely linking renegotiation of the coal financing to a renewable energy project.
“Ex-Im Bank flip flopped on this massive climate-damaging project--and belly flopped on the first major test of the agency’s carbon policy,” said Michelle Chan, director of the economic policy program at Friends of the Earth.[79]

Community impacts and resistance

The United Nations estimates that more than 25 percent of India’s 1.2 billion people live without electricity. Yet many communities protest new coal mines and plants because it displaces them from their land, and they do not receive the electricity generated.[80]

August 2007: 6,000 people face displacement in Madhya Pradesh

Five villages -- Sidhikhurg, Sidhikala, Tiyara, Jhanjhi, and Harrhawa -- covering approximately 3,000 acres and with a population of 10,000 people are slated for displacement by the Sasan Ultra Mega Power Project in the far western corner of Madhya Pradesh, a state located in central India. The project will use caol from coal mines located 20 to 25 kilometers away, in Mohar, Amlori, and Chatrasal. The project is sponsored by Reliance Power.[81]

July 2010: Two killed, 150 injured in Andhra Pradesh

July 2010: Protesters beaten with lathis by riot police in Srikakulam
On July 14, 2010, police in Adhra Pradesh's Srikakulam district fired on farmers and fisherman protesting a 2,640 MW coal plant under construction by Nagarjuna Construction Company (NCC), killing two. In addition, 150 people were injured, including 45 policemen, during clashes between protesters and police. In the wake of the violence, police were deployed in about a dozen villages and banned assembly by more than five persons.[82]

January 2010: Hanakon thermal project shelved after intense protest; protesters tortured

Unidentified woman arrested during Hanakon protest; 28 protesters later testified to torture while in police custody
On July 18, 2009, thousands rallied in Karwar to protest the proposed Hanakon thermal station. The rally began at the Maladevi ground, and was followed by a meeting at Savitha circle. A series of speakers denounced the project as a threat to a biologically sensitive region, and criticized the company's suppression of protest. The protest passed the office of Ind Bharat Company, sponsor of the project. Protesters allegedly pelted the offices with stones, then attempted to block the national highway. A coalition of 24 groups submitted a joint memorandum opposing the project.[83] Following a call for a bandh, or general strike, in response to police violence against protesters in Hanakon village, schools and colleges closed in August 2009. The bandh was also observed by shopkeepers of Nandanagadda area of Karwar. Students from multiple colleges marched to primary and high schools in Karwar, closing in each school.[84] The project was shelved in January 2010.[85][86] According to S R Nayak, chairman of the State Human Rights Commission, police tortured agitators in custody. During a hearing sponsored by the Commission, 40 people testified, including 28 victims of torture at the hands of police.[87]

January 2011: 25 people injured in Chhattisgarh protests

On January 17, 2011, at least 25 people were injured and over a hundred were taken into custody during protests by farmers against land acquisition by KSK Energy Ventures Limited, sponsors of the 3,600 MW KSK Mahanadi Power Project at Nariyara village in the Akaltara district of Chhattisgarh, about 170 km from the state capital Raipur. At issue in the protests is the prime quality of the agricultural land being made available for an estimated 40,000 MW of power plants planned for the Janjgir-Champa district. State Congress president Dhanendra Sahu told reporters, "It's a foolish decision, Janjgir-Champa has highly productive farm land and also has access to irrigation facilities. This is a conspiracy by the state government to hand over farmers' prime land to industries."[88]

February 2011: Two killed, 25 injured in Andhra Pradesh

"No power to people?"
On February 28, 2011, in a set of clashes sparked by construction of the Bhavanapadu Thermal Power Project by East Coast Energy, police in Srikakulam fired into villagers, killing two people and injuring nearly 25 others. The plant at the center of the violence was in the same district as the coal plant where two people were killed the previous July 2010, protesting the Nagarjuna Construction Company Sompeta Thermal Plant. The dead were identified as Sirapu Yerraiah (36) of Sirapuvani Peta and J. Nageswara Rao (35) of Akashalakkavaram. At least two of the injured were hit at close range with rubber bullets. Police used guns, teargas, and lathis against villagers, who used stones and sticks. After police threw smoke bombs in Vadditandra village, 50 houses were gutted. A police jeep was burned by villagers.[89]

April 2011: Four killed in protests against anti-encroachment drive in Jharkand

The state of Jharkhand is home to one of the largest Adivasi (tribal) populations in India. It is also the location of an estimated 40% of the country’s deposits of coal, iron ore, uranium and other minerals. Jharkhand’s Adivasis have farmed and hunted on the land for millennia, but do not hold title deeds, but as the original inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent, Adivasis have ancient land rights protected by law. They are, however, being forced to leave their ancestral lands to make way for new mines, steel mills and hydroelectric projects, with little or no compensation.[90]
Following resistance by local residence against house demolitions at Matkoria, four people were killed in clashes with police attempting to clear land owned by Bharat Coking Coal Limited. In addition, 21 people were injured and 27 arrested. Among the arrested were former ministers Bacha Singh and OP lal, Congress MLA Manan Mallick, and deputy mayor Niraj Singh. A curfew was imposed on Dhanbad town.[91] Among those killed in the fighting was Vikash Kuman, an auto driver.[91] Another fatality was that of Sanjay Paswan.[92]The protesters blocked National Highway 32 between Dhanbad and Bokaro for several hours. Police used lathis and teargas to disperse protesters. A Mob set fire to offices of Bharat Coking Coal Limited at Kunsunda and Godhar. Protesters also set on fire a police check post in Matkuriya as well as three police vehicles. Nine people were reported in critical condition with bullet wounds. Among the injured were a half dozen members of the media, including four camera men. Most of those being subjected to the anti-encroachment drive had settled in the area 80 years earlier.[93]

May 2011: Mango farmers protest coal plants in Maharashtra's Ratnagiri district

Farmers marched to protest coal plants in Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra, in an area known as the Konkan Coast. The protests were organized by the Ratnagiri Zilla Jagruk Manch, an organization leading a campaign against seven thermal power plants proposed for the district. In Pawas, Ratnagiri district, villagers protested with a hunger strike.[94][95]
In July 2011, JSW Energy - an Indian power producer controlled by the billionaire Jindal family - delayed expansion of a 3,200 MW coal plant in Ratnagiri as it waits for coal-pricing “clarity” from Indonesia and Australia.[96]

June 2011: Three deaths believed to be related to coal mafia

On June 2, 2011, a 15-member motorbike gang shot dead a realtor and two others at the Asansol courthouse in India, which the police said was likely a rivalry between coal mafias. Councillor Rohit Nunia from Kulti, a town 30km from Asansol whose municipality is run by a Trinamul-Congress alliance, is believed by police to be involved in coal smuggling and seeking revenge for an attempt on his life in December 2010, although a Left Front leader claimed the coal connection crosses political parties.
The 15 youths appeared suddenly, called realtor Ram Lakshman Yadav's name, and began shooting. Within seconds, the realtor, a guard, and Mukesh Singh, had slumped to the ground while the gang chased Kamalesh Singh to the basement. Mukesh was sent to a hospital in Durgapur while the other three were declared dead on arrival at an Asansol hospital. Yadav had been riddled with 10 bullets, sources said, and the other two slain men too had multiple wounds.
Jagmohan, the deputy inspector-general, said the slain realtor had two cases pending against him, one for possession of illegal arms in 1994 and the other for a murder attempt in 1999. Another officer said three suspects had been detained, including CPI councillor Nunia: “An attempt was made on Nunia’s life six months ago but he escaped unhurt. He was involved in smuggling coal out of the IISCO factory."[97]

September 2011: Moving Planet day of action

On September 24, an Indian delegation and US mountaintop removal activists will take part in "Moving Planet" day in support of fossil fuel-alternative energy, in West Virginia and India. The India delegation is calling on the World Bank to follow through with its proposal to dramatically cut funding for coal-burning power stations.[98]

September 2011: Greenpeace calls for moratorium on new coal projects in Singrauli

After releasing the 2011 report, "Singrauli: The Coal Curse," Greenpeace called for a moratorium on new coal mining activities in the Singrauli region, based on the findings of a Greenpeace team in the region that the projects "deprive the livelihood of displaced people and ruin their health." According to Priya Pillai, the communities are living in an atmosphere which is full of coal dust: "The people gave up their land for power that doesn't reach them."
In Singrauli, the Mahan, Chhatrasal, Amelia and Dongri Tal II forest blocks, which were earlier categorised as 'no go', are awaiting approval for coal mining from the government. Officially, 5,872.18 hectares of forest in the Singrauli region had been marked for non-forest use after the Forest Conservation Act came into force in 1980. According to the divisional forest officer of Singrauli, another 3,229 hectares have been proposed for such activities.
Singrauli is all set to become the country's "power capital" with a number of power plants coming up in Madhya Pradesh, apart from the nine open cast coal mines which are going to start production by 2014. The combined investment of all these projects is estimated to be over Rs 1 lakh crore.

November 2011: Activist nun who fought Indian mining companies brutally murdered

In mid-November 2011 Sister Valsa John, an anti-coal activist in India, was killed in her village of Pachwara, a small community in the eastern Indian state of Jharkhand. She was allegedly killed by individuals hired by coal mining companies. The individuals beat and hacked her to death. Sister Valsa was 52 and took her vows was a member of Sisters of Charity of Jesus and Mary. It was reported that on numerous occasions she had gone to the police after threats where made on her life. The following was written in the Globe and Mail following her death:
  • She was one of the remarkable breed of Indian religious figures who are grassroots social activists, who immerse themselves in the most marginalized and impoverished communities and work on literacy, basic health care and human rights. Sister Valsa said she did Jesus’s work by teaching the aboriginal people – known in India as adivasi or “tribals” – about their rights to their land.[99]
On November 20, 2011 seven residents of Pachwara and adjoining Aloopara village, were arrested for the killing of Sister Valsa John. The Sister's family in the India region of Kerala had alleged she faced death threats from the "mining mafia" in the area and was killed because of her campaign against the Panam Coal Company. However, police alleged that that locals were responsible for her death instead.[100]
Prior to being killed, Sister Valsa John stood up for a rape victim in her community and a police report filed for the case. The alleged rapist, arrested days after the murder and later charged with that too, reportedly told the police that Sister Valsa was “an agent” of a private coalmine company.[101]

Carbon credits

As of 2011, India has become the world's second largest source of carbon credits, or Certified Emission Reductions (CERs), and has attracted foreign companies who trade them to the West. To qualify for saleable credits, companies in "developing" countries must demonstrate their emission reductions go beyond their "business as usual" plans. But according to July 2008 American diplomatic cables released by Wikileaks, most credits certified in India are questionable and do not meet international standards. The cable, written by staff at the United States Consulate in Mumbai, quote a senior Indian carbon credit assessor admitting no projects in India meet the international benchmark. R K Sethi, head of India's Clean Development Mechanism Authority, admitted his colleagues simply take "the project developer at his word" when they approve carbon credit applications. Eva Filzmoser of CDM Watch, which campaigns for a more rigorous carbon credit system, said the cable effectively dismissed Indian schemes as "a source of extra revenue for projects that would have happened anyway." Thirty-three coal power plants were among 1700 carbon credit project bids in India, and four of the power stations are among 700 projects approved to date.[102]
A 2011 Stockholm Environment Institute report found that project documents for Indian Clean Development Mechanism projects "inflate the benefits of switching from subcritical to supercritical technology. Specifications of technologies currently available in the market suggest the relative efficiency and emissions improvements are likely to be on the order of 2 to 4%. In contrast, these coal projects are claiming improvements on the order of at least 11%, on average."[103]

Coal India to use GPS to stop pilferage

It was announced in November 2011 that Coal India would use satellite technology to prevent shipments from being hijacked amid a shortage that has hit supplies to thermal power projects in the country. It is estimated that at least a quarter of 431 million tonnes of coal was stolen in transit.[104]

Citizens Groups Tracking Coal Power and Mining in India

Government Agencies

Notes

  1. Jump up "Power Sector at a Glance" CEA, accessed Oct. 2011.
  2. Jump up Ananth P. Chikkatur, "A Resource and Technology Assessment of Coal Utilization in India," Coal Initiative Reports White Paper Series, Pew Center on Global Climate Change, October 2008
  3. Jump up "India: Quick Facts" EIA, August 2010.
  4. Jump up "Growth of installed capacity since 6th Plan," Central Electricity Authority, accessed June 2012
  5. Jump up The figure for current capacity as of May 31, 2012 comes from Table 2, "Summary statistics for proposed coal plants in India," which is derived from the complete table shown in Proposed coal plants in India
  6. Jump up Using data from the Ministry of Environment and Forest, Prayas found that 192,913 MW of coal and gas capacity had received environmental clearance, with another 508,907 MW in the pipeline and expected to be approved, for a total of 701,820 MW. Of this total, Prayas estimated that coal accounts for 84%, or 589,529 MW. See "Thermal Power Plants on the Anvil," Prayas Energy Group, August 2011.
  7. Jump up For plant-by-plant information, see Proposed coal plants in India.
  8. Jump up "Ultra Mega Power Projects," Ministry of Power, accessed July 2012
  9. Jump up Amiti Sen & Subhash Narayan, "States make case for second UMPP with advanced land clearances", Economic Times, (India), March 20, 2010.
  10. Jump up to: 10.010.1Ultra Mega Power Projects, Ministry of Power Government of India, undated but approx October 2007.
  11. Jump up "Coal Fired Plants Financed by International Public Investment Institutions since 1994", Appendix A in Foreclosing the Future: Coal, Climate and International Public Finance: Investment in coal-fired power plants hinders the fight against global warming, Environmental Defense, April 2009.
  12. Jump up to: 12.012.1"India", World Coal Institute, undated, accessed June 2008.
  13. Jump up "China coal imports to double in 2015, India close behind" Rebekah Kebede, Reuters, May 30, 2011.
  14. Jump up "Indian coal rush heads Australia's way" Ben Doherty, Sydney Morning Herald, October 6, 2011.
  15. Jump up "Coal India production target likely at 464 MT for FY13"Business Standard, January 22, 2012.
  16. Jump up "India fails to meet electricity targets"United Press International, January 24, 2012.
  17. Jump up Pratim Ranjan Bose, "Poor rail connectivity hampers potential coal output", The Hindu Business Line, January 19, 2012.
  18. Jump up "15 Coal India mines may get conditional green ministry nod" Raj Kumar Sahu, NDTV, July 30, 2012.
  19. Jump up "India said to lose $210b in coal deals," AP, March 23, 2012.
  20. Jump up "India's coal reserves to run out in 45 years news," domain-b.com, December 26, 2009.
  21. Jump up "India: Quick Facts" EIA, August 2010.
  22. Jump up Atrayee Lahiri, "28 coal block limits to be redefined to boost supply" Mydigitalfc, May 16, 2011.
  23. Jump up "Coal blocks: Ramesh says border line cases should get cleared" MSN, June 24, 2011.
  24. Jump up "India", World Coal Institute, undated, accessed June 2008.
  25. Jump up "India’s SCCL stars $190m Adriyala coal mine" Miners Weekly, july 1, 2011.
  26. Jump up U.S. Geological Survey, "Table 2 India: Structure of the Mineral Industry in 2006", in 2006 Minerals Yearbook, U.S. Geological Survey, March 2008, pages 10.11 - 10.12.
  27. Jump up "India's child coal miners" The Christian Science Monitor, Sep. 20, 2010.
  28. Jump up Mark Magnier, "In northeast India coal towns, many miners are children" LA Times, May 15, 2011.
  29. Jump up "Great Eastern Energy in pact with TN for gas block development" Business Standard, January 4, 2011.
  30. Jump up "342 killed in PSU mines in four years"The Sunday Guardian January 8, 2012.
  31. Jump up [1]Los Angeles Times May 15, 2011.
  32. Jump up "Power blackout strands 200 coal miners" Reuters, July 31, 2012.
  33. Jump up "Sasol-Tata Steel JV aims to produce 80,000 bpd by 2018", Business Standard, June 02, 2010.
  34. Jump up to: 34.034.1"Tatas, Jindals win coal-to-oil crowns", The Telegraph, March 3, 2009.
  35. Jump up "Tata Steel-Sasol to set up CTL plant in Orissa", Business Standard, January 18, 2010.
  36. Jump up Justin Guay, "Responding to the Energy Crisis in India: The National Energy Conclave" Sierra Club Compass, April 11, 2011.
  37. Jump up Kannan Kasturi, "New Thermal Power Clusters"Economic and Political Weekly, Oct. 1, 2011.
  38. Jump up "Thermal Power Plants on the Anvil," Prayas Energy Group, August 2011
  39. Jump up Mary Ann Hitt and Justin Guay, "The Struggle Against India’s Coal Rush" Grist, July 2, 2011.
  40. Jump up John Vidal, "Andhra Pradesh at the forefront of Indian 'coal rush'" Guardian, July 14, 2011.
  41. Jump up Kunal Majumder, "Yes, let there be light. But no pain" Tehelka, May 7, 2011.
  42. Jump up Trushna Udgirkar, "Nagarjuna Construction may relocate Andhra power project," The Economic Times, September 10, 2010
  43. Jump up B Krishna Prasad, "Bevy of retired power officials linked to East Coast Energy," The Times of India, March 15, 2011
  44. Jump up "Coal Minister speaks on Jairam's green nod to 16 coal projects" NDTV.com, February, 15, 2011.
  45. Jump up Aman Sethi, "Stiff resistance to DB Power coalmine in Chhattisgarh" The Hindu, March 1, 2011.
  46. Jump up Kartikay Mehrotra and Rakteem Katakey, "India’s Rich Halt Power Plans in Setback to Prosperity: Energy" Bloomberg, Jan. 18, 2012.
  47. Jump up "No loans to thermal power projects," Times of India, December 21, 2011
  48. Jump up International Energy Annual Statistics, EIA, accessed January 2012
  49. Jump up "Coal Statistics" World Coal Institute, accessed January 2011.
  50. Jump up "India: Quick Facts" EIA, August 2010.
  51. Jump up "India's 2011/12 coal imports to jump 70 pct - minister," Reuters, February 3, 2011
  52. Jump up Dinakar Sethuraman, "India’s Coal Imports Rose by 14 Percent in 2010, ICMW Says" Bloomberg, Jan. 11, 2011.
  53. Jump up Simon Lomax, "India Coal Imports May Rise to 100 Million Tons on Power Demand" Bloomberg, May 20, 2010.
  54. Jump up "India's 2011/12 coal imports to jump 70 pct - minister," Reuters, February 3, 2011
  55. Jump up "India 2011/12 coal import needs may jump to 114 mln T" Krittivas Mukherjee and David Lalmalsawma, Reuters, September 27, 2011.
  56. Jump up "Indian Utilities’ Coal Imports Climb 70%, India Coal Watch Says" Business Week, October 24, 2011.
  57. Jump up "Coal imports 51% higher than last year" Parul Timsy Jaipuria, The Financial Express, November 14, 2011.
  58. Jump up "India Coal Imports Rose Estimated 7.6% in 2011, India Coal Says"Bloomberg, January 12, 2012.
  59. Jump up http://www.thehindu.com/business/Industry/article3006175.ece"More coal imports likely following duty reduction"] The Hindu, March 17, 2012.
  60. Jump up "Coal India May Import Up to 30 Million Tons This Year" Saurabh Chaturvedi, Wall Street Journal, June 11, 2012.
  61. Jump up Karvy Global, "Coal-Starved India Could Spur Acquisitions" The Street, August 4, 2010.
  62. Jump up to: 62.062.162.2Mridul Chadha, "India Sets Aside $6.4 Billion to Fight Climate Change" ecopolitology, August 25, 2010.
  63. Jump up "India's Adani eyes Australia's coal reserves" EarthTimes, August 2, 2010.
  64. Jump up "Coal India in talks for Peabody, Massey mines" Erika Kinetz, Forbes.com, November 12, 2010.
  65. Jump up Carli Lourens, "India Plans to Boost South African Imports of Gold, Coal, Gems and Metals", Bloomberg, January 10, 2011.
  66. Jump up Saurabh Chaturvedi, "NTPC Looking at Africa Coal Block Opportunities", The Wall Street Journal, January 24, 2012.
  67. Jump up Fred Katerere, "Vale Makes First Mozambique Coal Transhipment to India, AIM Says", Bloomberg, January 18, 2012.
  68. Jump up Associated Press "Peabody says China, India will continue to replace declining US coal demand", The Washington Post, January 24, 2012.
  69. Jump up Ilya Arkhipov and Yuliya Fedorinova, "Russia Plans to More Than Double Coal Exports to Asia by 2030", Bloomberg, January 24, 2012.
  70. Jump up "India will burn more coal than China in 20 years," The Hindu Business Line, February 6, 2012
  71. Jump up "India to boost coal imports" UPI.com, July 17, 2012.
  72. Jump up "Adani buys Australian coal port for $1.98bn" Peter Smith & James Fontanella-Kahn, Financial Times, May 3, 2011.
  73. Jump up Bibhudatta Pradhan, "India Rejects Any Greenhouse-Gas Cuts Under New Climate Treaty," Bloomberg, July 2, 2009.
  74. Jump up Natalie Obiko Pearson, "India to Raise $535 Million From Carbon Tax on Coal" Bloomberg, July 1, 2010.
  75. Jump up "India Plans $37 billion investment to add 17,000 MW clean energy capacity by 2017" Mridul Chadha, May 13, 2011.
  76. Jump up Kartikay Mehrotra, "Renewable Energy’s Funding to Be Doubled by Indian State Lender," Bloomberg, February 6, 2012.
  77. Jump up Shripad Dharmadhikary and Shantanu Dixit, "Thermal Power Plants on The Anvil: Implications And Need For Rationalisation" Prayas Energy Group Report, August, 2011.
  78. Jump up "Indian environmental activists held" Amnesty International, June 2, 2011.
  79. Jump up "Green Groups Blast U.S. Financing for Massive Coal Project" SustainableBusiness.com.
  80. Jump up Kartikay Mehrotra and Rakteem Katakey, "India’s Rich Halt Power Plans in Setback to Prosperity: Energy" Bloomberg, Jan. 18, 2012.
  81. Jump up "6,000 people to lose land to Sasan project," Rediff India Abroad, August 27, 2007
  82. Jump up "Srikakulam still tense after police firing," The Siasat Daily, July 15, 2010
  83. Jump up "Protest held against Hanakon thermal project," The Times of India, July 20, 2009
  84. Jump up "Hanakon violence: Students take out rally against police atrocities," The Times of India, August 7, 2009
  85. Jump up "Hanakon thermal power plant project shelved," The Hindu, January 3, 2010
  86. Jump up "Another Nandigran?" Tehelka, November 21, 2009
  87. Jump up "40 persons testify before SHRC," The Times of india, August 11, 2009
  88. Jump up "Power plant protest turns violent, dozens injured," Indo Asian News Service, January 17, 2011
  89. Jump up K. Srinivasa Rao, "2 killed, 25 hurt in police firing in Kakarapalli," The Hindu, March 1, 2011
  90. Jump up "Jharkhand: A Disappearing World" Panos Pictures, accessed May 2011.
  91. Jump up to: 91.091.1"Death toll clims to 4 in Jharkhand clash; curfew continues," Daily News & Analysis, April 28, 2011
  92. Jump up "Dhanbad clash toll four; curfew continues," The Hindu, April 29, 2011
  93. Jump up Law Kumar Mishra, "One killed, 17 injured in anti-encroachment protests," The Times of India, April 27, 2011
  94. Jump up "Fuelling dissent: Coal power plants," NDTV, May 1, 2011
  95. Jump up "Another Nandigran?" Tehelka, November 21, 2009
  96. Jump up Rajesh Kumar Singh, "Billionaire Jindal’s JSW Delays Power-Project Expansion on High Coal Costs" Bloomberg, July 22, 2011.
  97. Jump up [http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110603/jsp/frontpage/story_14065594.jsp"Mafia slayings in Asansol Bike gang guns down three"] The Telegraph, June 3 , 2011.
  98. Jump up Amanda Wilson, "Indian activists take fight against coal to World Bank" Asia Times, Sep. 22, 2011.
  99. Jump up "Activist nun who fought Indian mining companies brutally murdered" The Globe and Mail, Stephanie Nolen, November 18, 2011.
  100. Jump up "Seven arrested for nun's killing in Jharkhand" NDTV, November 20, 2011.
  101. Jump up "Hounded by those she had fought for" Manoj Prasad, Indian Express, November 21, 2011.
  102. Jump up Dean Nelson, "Polluting Indian firms awarded hundreds of millions in carbon credits" The Telegraph, Sep. 28, 2011.
  103. Jump up Michael Lazarus and Chelsea Chandler, Coal Power in the CDM: Issues and Options 2011 Stockholm Environment Institute Report, p.7.
  104. Jump up "Coal India to use GPS to stop pilferage" Ruchira Singh & Utpal Bhaskar, LiveMint.com, November 7, 2011.

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...and I am Sid Harth

Voyager 1 and Plasma Tsunami Wave

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Voyager 1 buffeted by "tsunami wave", 19.5 billion kms away from Earth

NEW DELHI: Messages received from Voyager 1, the Nasa spacecraft travelling 19.5 billion kms away from Earth, show that it is continuing to experience a "tsunami wave" as it penetrates the interstellar medium beyond the solar System.

The spacecraft launched in 1977 is the farthest a manmade object has gone from Earth ever. So far, signals from its instruments travelling at the speed of light take 36 hours and 14 minutes to reach Earth.

"Most people would have thought the interstellar medium would have been smooth and quiet. But these shock waves seem to be more common than we thought," said Don Gurnett, professor of physics at the University of Iowa in Iowa City. Gurnett presented the new data Monday, Dec. 15 at the American Geophysical Union meeting in San Francisco.

A "tsunami wave" occurs when the sun emits a coronal mass ejection, throwing out a magnetic cloud of plasma from its surface. This generates a wave of pressure. When the wave runs into the interstellar plasma -- the charged particles found in the space between the stars -- a shock wave results that perturbs the plasma.

"The tsunami causes the ionized gas that is out there to resonate -- "sing" or vibrate like a bell," said Ed Stone, project scientist for the Voyager mission based at California Institute of Technology in Pasadena.

This is the third shock wave that Voyager 1 has experienced. The first event was in October to November of 2012, and the second wave in April to May of 2013 revealed an even higher plasma density. Voyager 1 detected the most recent event in February, and it is still going on as of November data. The spacecraft has moved outward 250 million miles (400 million kilometers) during the third event.

It is unclear to researchers what the unusual longevity of this particular wave may mean. They are also uncertain as to how fast the wave is moving or how broad a region it covers.

The second tsunami wave helped researchers determine in 2013 that Voyager 1 had left the heliosphere, the bubble created by the solar wind encompassing the sun and the planets in our solar system. Denser plasma "rings" at a higher frequency, and the medium that Voyager flew through, was 40 times denser than what had been previously measured. This was key to the conclusion that Voyager had entered a frontier where no spacecraft had gone before: interstellar space.

"The density of the plasma is higher the farther Voyager goes," Stone said. "Is that because the interstellar medium is denser as Voyager moves away from the heliosphere, or is it from the shock wave itself? We don't know yet." Voyager 1 and its twin, Voyager 2, were launched 16 days apart in 1977. Both spacecraft flew by Jupiter and Saturn. Voyager 2 also flew by Uranus and Neptune. Voyager 2, launched before Voyager 1, is currently at a distance of about 16 billion kms from Earth. It is the longest continuously operated spacecraft and is expected to enter interstellar space in a few years.

Sid Harth (USA)
12/18/2014 Voyager 1 Rides Cosmic Tsunami Wave Voyager 1 Rides 'Tsunami Wave' in Interstellar Space It turns out that sailing through interstellar space isn't so peaceful. NASA's Voyager 1 spacecraft — the only object made by humans to reach interstellar space — might still be caught what scientists have described as a cosmic "tsunami wave," a shock wave that first hit the probe in February, according to new research. You can hear the eerie interstellar vibrations in a video, courtesy of NASA. "Most people would have thought the interstellar medium would have been smooth and quiet," study researcher Don Gurnett, professor of physics at the University of Iowa, and the principal investigator of Voyager 1's plasma wave instrument, said in a statement from NASA. "But these shock waves seem to be more common than we thought." [Photo Timeline: Voyager 1 in Interstellar Space]
Sid Harth (USA)
Such a shock wave was what helped scientists determine that Voyager 1, which launched in 1977 on a "grand tour" of the outer planets, had officially left the solar system. Last year, researchers keeping tabs on the car-sized spacecraft (12 billion miles away) analyzed measurements the Voyager 1 made in the aftermath of a powerful eruption from the sun known as a coronal mass ejection, or CME. This solar blast occurred in March 2012 and hit Voyager 1 from April to May 2013. The shock wave caused the particles around the spacecraft to vibrate substantially. Based on the frequency of these vibrations, scientists could measure the density of the probe's surroundings. The density of the particles around Voyager 1 was 40 times higher than scientists had previously observed when the space probe was still in the outer layers of the heliosphere, the giant bubble of charged particles and magnetic fields that surrounds the sun and the planets in our solar system. Voyager 1 team members concluded that the spacecraft had exited the heliosphere and entered a new cosmic realm. After researchers went back and looked at old data, they concluded that Voyager 1 crossed into interstellar space on August 25, 2012.
Sid Harth (USA)
Voyager 1 detected its third and most recent interstellar shock wave in February. The vibrations were still going on as of November data, according to NASA. That's remarkable considering that over the course of this event, the spacecraft has traveled 250 million miles (400 million kilometers). The researchers say they are not sure how fast the wave is moving or how big a region it covers. And they're still trying to understand what they can learn from these waves. "The density of the plasma is higher the farther Voyager goes," Ed Stone, project scientist for the Voyager mission from the California Institute of Technology, said in a statement from NASA. "Is that because the interstellar medium is denser as Voyager moves away from the heliosphere, or is it from the shock wave itself? We don't know yet." The latest findings were presented Monday (Dec. 15) at the American Geophysical Union meeting in San Francisco. Follow Megan Gannon on Twitter. Follow us @Spacedotcom, Facebook or Google+. Originally published on Space.com. Copyright © 2014 All Rights Reserved. ...and I am Sid Harth
 
Source: TOI

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Commentary

Time to End the Cuba Embargo


The U.S. government has waged economic war against the Castro regime for half a century. The policy may have been worth a try during the Cold War, but the embargo has failed to liberate the Cuban people. It is time to end sanctions against Havana.
Decades ago the Castro brothers lead a revolt against a nasty authoritarian, Fulgencio Batista. After coming to power in 1959, they created a police state, targeted U.S. commerce, nationalized American assets, and allied with the Soviet Union. Although Cuba was but a small island nation, the Cold War magnified its perceived importance.
Washington reduced Cuban sugar import quotas in July 1960. Subsequently U.S. exports were limited, diplomatic ties were severed, travel was restricted, Cuban imports were banned, Havana’s American assets were frozen, and almost all travel to Cuba was banned. Washington also pressed its allies to impose sanctions.
These various measures had no evident effect, other than to intensify Cuba’s reliance on the Soviet Union. Yet the collapse of the latter nation had no impact on U.S. policy. In 1992, Congress banned American subsidiaries from doing business in Cuba and in 1996, it penalized foreign firms that trafficked in expropriated U.S. property. Executives from such companies even were banned from traveling to America.
On occasion Washington relaxed one aspect or another of the embargo, but in general continued to tighten restrictions, even over Cuban Americans. Enforcement is not easy, but Uncle Sam tries his best. For instance, according to the Government Accountability Office, Customs and Border Protection increased its secondary inspection of passengers arriving from Cuba to reflect an increased risk of embargo violations after the 2004 rule changes, which, among other things, eliminated the allowance for travelers to import a small amount of Cuban products for personal consumption.
Three years ago, President Barack Obama loosened regulations on Cuban Americans, as well as telecommunications between the United States and Cuba. However, the law sharply constrains the president’s discretion. Moreover, UN Ambassador Susan Rice said that the embargo will continue until Cuba is free.
It is far past time to end the embargo.
During the Cold War, Cuba offered a potential advanced military outpost for the Soviet Union. Indeed, that role led to the Cuban missile crisis. With the failure of the U.S.-supported Bay of Pigs invasion, economic pressure appeared to be Washington’s best strategy for ousting the Castro dictatorship.
However, the end of the Cold War left Cuba strategically irrelevant. It is a poor country with little ability to harm the United States. The Castro regime might still encourage unrest, but its survival has no measurable impact on any important U.S. interest.
The regime remains a humanitarian travesty, of course. Nor are Cubans the only victims: three years ago the regime jailed a State Department contractor for distributing satellite telephone equipment in Cuba. But Havana is not the only regime to violate human rights. Moreover, experience has long demonstrated that it is virtually impossible for outsiders to force democracy. Washington often has used sanctions and the Office of Foreign Assets Control currently is enforcing around 20 such programs, mostly to little effect.
The policy in Cuba obviously has failed. The regime remains in power. Indeed, it has consistently used the embargo to justify its own mismanagement, blaming poverty on America. Observed Secretary of State Hillary Clinton: “It is my personal belief that the Castros do not want to see an end to the embargo and do not want to see normalization with the United States, because they would lose all of their excuses for what hasn’t happened in Cuba in the last 50 years.” Similarly, Cuban exile Carlos Saladrigas of the Cuba Study Group argued that keeping the “embargo, maintaining this hostility, all it does is strengthen and embolden the hardliners.”
Cuban human rights activists also generally oppose sanctions. A decade ago I (legally) visited Havana, where I met Elizardo Sanchez Santa Cruz, who suffered in communist prisons for eight years. He told me that the “sanctions policy gives the government a good alibi to justify the failure of the totalitarian model in Cuba.”
Indeed, it is only by posing as an opponent of Yanqui Imperialism that Fidel Castro has achieved an international reputation. If he had been ignored by Washington, he never would have been anything other than an obscure authoritarian windbag.
Unfortunately, embargo supporters never let reality get in the way of their arguments. In 1994, John Sweeney of the Heritage Foundation declared that “the embargo remains the only effective instrument available to the U.S. government in trying to force the economic and democratic concessions it has been demanding of Castro for over three decades. Maintaining the embargo will help end the Castro regime more quickly.” The latter’s collapse, he wrote, is more likely in the near term than ever before.
Almost two decades later, Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, chairwoman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, retains faith in the embargo: “The sanctions on the regime must remain in place and, in fact, should be strengthened, and not be altered.” One of the best definitions of insanity is continuing to do the same thing while expecting to achieve different results.
The embargo survives largely because of Florida’s political importance. Every presidential candidate wants to win the Sunshine State’s electoral votes, and the Cuban American community is a significant voting bloc.
But the political environment is changing. A younger, more liberal generation of Cuban Americans with no memory of life in Cuba is coming to the fore. Said Wayne Smith, a diplomat who served in Havana: “for the first time in years, maybe there is some chance for a change in policy.” And there are now many more new young Cuban Americans who support a more sensible approach to Cuba.
Support for the Republican Party also is falling. According to some exit polls Barack Obama narrowly carried the Cuban American community in November, after receiving little more than a third of the vote four years ago. He received 60 percent of the votes of Cuban Americans born in the United States.
Barack Obama increased his votes among Cuban Americans after liberalizing contacts with the island. He also would have won the presidency without Florida, demonstrating that the state may not be essential politically.
Today even the GOP is no longer reliable. For instance, though Republican vice-presidential nominee Paul Ryan has defended the embargo in recent years, that appears to reflect ambition rather than conviction. Over the years he voted at least three times to lift the embargo, explaining: “The embargo doesnt work. It is a failed policy. It was probably justified when the Soviet Union existed and posed a threat through Cuba. I think its become more of a crutch for Castro to use to repress his people. All the problems he has, he blames the American embargo.”
There is essentially no international support for continuing the embargo. For instance, the European Union plans to explore improving relations with Havana. Spain’s Deputy Foreign Minister Gonzalo de Benito explained that the EU saw a positive evolution in Cuba. The hope, then, is to move forward in the relationship between the European Union and Cuba.
The administration should move now, before congressmen are focused on the next election. President Obama should propose legislation to drop (or at least significantly loosen) the embargo. He also could use his authority to relax sanctions by, for instance, granting more licenses to visit the island.
Ending the embargo would have obvious economic benefits for both Cubans and Americans. The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates American losses alone from the embargo as much as $1.2 billion annually.
Expanding economic opportunities also might increase pressure within Cuba for further economic reform. So far the regime has taken small steps, but rejected significant change. Moreover, thrusting more Americans into Cuban society could help undermine the ruling system. Despite Fidel Castro’s decline, Cuban politics remains largely static. A few human rights activists have been released, while Raul Castro has used party purges to entrench loyal elites.
Lifting the embargo would be no panacea. Other countries invest in and trade with Cuba to no obvious political impact. And the lack of widespread economic reform makes it easier for the regime rather than the people to collect the benefits of trade, in contrast to China. Still, more U.S. contact would have an impact. Argued trade specialist Dan Griswold, “American tourists would boost the earnings of Cubans who rent rooms, drive taxis, sell art, and operate restaurants in their homes. Those dollars would then find their way to the hundreds of freely priced farmers markets, to carpenters, repairmen, tutors, food venders, and other entrepreneurs.”
The Castro dictatorship ultimately will end up in history’s dustbin. But it will continue to cause much human hardship along the way.
The Heritage Foundation’s John Sweeney complained nearly two decades ago that “the United States must not abandon the Cuban people by relaxing or lifting the trade embargo against the communist regime.” But the dead hand of half a century of failed policy is the worst breach of faith with the Cuban people.
Lifting sanctions would be a victory not for Fidel Castro, but for the power of free people to spread liberty. As Griswold argued, “commercial engagement is the best way to encourage more open societies abroad.” Of course, there are no guarantees. But lifting the embargo would have a greater likelihood of success than continuing a policy which has failed. Some day the Cuban people will be free. Allowing more contact with Americans likely would make that day come sooner.

Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute and a former special assistant to former US president Ronald Reagan. 
 
Cato Institute
1000 Massachusetts Ave, NW
Washington, DC 20001-5403
  • Phone (202) 842 0200
  The U.S. Embargo of Cuba
Jaime Suchlicki
University of Miami
June 2000

IMPLICATIONS OF LIFTING THE U.S. EMBARGO AND TRAVEL BAN
Introduction
Opponents of U.S. policy toward Cuba claim that if the embargo and the travel ban are lifted, the Cuba
n people would benefit economically; American companies will penetrate a nd influence the Cuban market; the Communist system would begin to crumble and a transition to a democratic society would be accelerated.
These expectations are based on several incorrect assumptions. First, that Castro and the Cuban leadership
are naïve and inexperienced and, therefore, would allow tourists and investments from the U.S. to subvert the revolution and influence internal developments in the island. Second, that Cuba would open up and allow U.S. investments in all sectors of the economy, instead of selecting which companies could trade and invest.
Third, that Castro is so interested in close relations with the U.S. that he is willing to risk what has been upper-most in his mind for 40 years – total control of power and a legacy of opposition to “Yankee imperialism,” – in exchange for economic improvements for his people. During the Fifth Communist Party Congress in 1997, Castro emphasized “We will do what is necessary without renouncing our principles. We do not like capitalism and we will not abandon our Socialist system.”
Castro also reiterated his long-standing anti-American posture, accusing the U.S. of waging economic war against his government and calling for “military preparedness against imperialist hostility.”  A change in U.S. policy toward Cuba may have different and unintended results. The lifting of the embargo and the travel ban without meaningful changes in Cuba will: Guarantee the continuation of the current totalitarian structures.
Strengthen state enterprises, since money will flow into businesses owned by the Cuban government.
Most businesses are owned in Cuba by the state and, in all foreign investments, the Cuban government retains a partnership interest.
Lead to greater repression and control since Castro and the leadership will fear that U.S. influence will subvert the revolution and weaken the Communist party’s hold on the Cuban people.
Delay instead of accelerate a transition to democracy on the island. Allow Castro to borrow from international organizations such as the IMF, the World Bank, etc. Since Cuba owes billions of dollars
to the former Soviet Union, to the Club of Paris, and to others, and has refused in the past to acknowledge or pay these debts, new loans will be wasted by Castro’s inefficient and wasteful system, and will be uncollectible. The reason Castro has been unable to pay back loans is not because of the U.S. embargo, but because his economic system stifles productivity and he continues to spend on the military, on adventures abroad, and on supporting a bankrupt welfare system on the island.
Perpetuate the rather extensive control that the military holds over the economy and foster the further development of “Mafia type” groups that manage and profit from important sectors of the economy, particularly tourism, biotechnology, and agriculture.
Negate the basic tenets of U.S. policy in Latin America which emphasize democracy, human rights, and market economies.
Send the wrong message to the enemies of the U.S.: that a foreign leader can seize U.S. properties without compensation; allow the use of his territory for the introduction of nuclear missiles aimed at the U.S.; espouse terrorism and anti-U.S. causes throughout the world; and eventually the U.S. will “forget and forgive,” and
reward him with tourism, investments, and economic aid.
Specific Considerations Tourism  If tourists are allowed to visit Cuba, the Castro government will follow the same practices of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries in the past: tourists would have to obtain visas from the Cuban Interest Section in Washington; their travel would be controlled and channeled into
the tourist resorts built in the island away from the major centers of population; and tourists will be screened carefully to prevent "subversive propaganda" from entering the island.
American tourists will have limited contact with Cubans thus their influence would be limited Cuba's security apparatus tightly controls most of the tourist resortareas such as Varadero, Cayo Coco, etc. They are off-limits to the average Cuban. Employees in these resorts are carefully screened by the government and programmed to tell the visiting tourists Castro propaganda line.
Tourist dollars would be spent on products. i.e. rum, tobacco, etc. produced by state enterprises, and tourists would stay in hotels owned partially or wholly by the Cuban government. The principal
airline-shuffling tourists around the island, Gaviota, is owned and operated by the Cuban military.
Carlos Lage, the Czar of the Cuban economy, reiterated on April 2, 1998, that the economic objective of the Cuban government was " to strengthen state enterprises."

The Cuban government would select which U. S. airlines and cruise companies will be allowed to visit the island and which U.S. companies are permitted to invest in joint venture with Cuban State enterprises.

The economic impact of tourism, while providing the Castro government with much needed dollars, would be limited. Dollars will flow in small quantities to the Cuban poor; state and foreign enterprises will benefit most. Since Cuba lacks a well-developed native tourist infrastructure, a large percentage of the tourist dollars
spent on the island will be sent abroad by the foreign entities from Spain and Canada operating hotels and nightclubs.
A large influx of tourists into Cuba will have a dislocating effect on the economies of smaller Caribbean islands such as Jamaica, the Dominican Republic, Bahamas, and Puerto Rico, highly dependent on tourism for their well being. Careful planning must take place, lest we create significant hardships and social
problems in these countries.

Since tourism will become a two-way affair, with Cubans visiting the U.S. in great numbers, it is likely that many will stay in the U.S. as illegal immigrants, complicating a rather thorny issue in American domestic politics. Trade

No foreign trade that is independent from the state is permitted in Cuba.

Cuba would export to the U.S. most of its products, cigars, rum, citrus, vegetables, nickel, seafood, biotechnology, etc. Yet, since all of these products are produced by Cuban state enterprises, with
workers being paid below comparable wages, and Cuba has great need for dollars, the Cuban government could dump products in the U.S. market at very low prices, and without regard for cost or economic rationality.

Many of these products will compete unfairly with U.S. agriculture
and manufactured products, or with products imported from the
Caribbean and elsewhere.

If the U.S. were to buy sugar from Cuba, it would be to the
detriment of U.S. or Caribbean producers.
Cuban products are not strategically important to the U.S., and are
in great abundance in the U.S. internal market, or from other
traditional U.S. trading partners.

There is little question about Cuba’s chronic need for U.S.
technology, products and services. Yet, need alone does not
determine the size or viability of a market. Cuba’s large foreign
debt, owed to both Western and former Socialist countries, the
abysmal performance of its economy, and the low prices for its
major exports make the “bountiful market” perception a perilous
mirage.

From the U.S. point of view, therefore, the reestablishment of
commercial ties with Cuba would be
at best problematic. It would
create severe market distortions
for the already precarious regional
economies of the Caribbean and Central America since the United
States would have to shift some of these countries’ sugar quota to
Cuba. It would provide the U.S. market with products that are of
little value and in abundant supply. And, while some U.S. firms
could benefit from a resumed trade
relationship, it would not help
in any significant way the overall U.S. economy. Cuba does not
have the potential to become an important client like China, Russia,
or even Vietnam.
Investments

Cuba has promoted investments in
tourism as its highest priority
and only recently has begun to promote investments in other
sectors. Cuba has not yet a
ttempted to link Foreign Direct
Investments (FDI) with technology
transfer. Nor has it permitted greater individual freedom in ec
onomic matters. While the Cuban
government is allowing some work
ers to operate independently,
these activities are highly regulated. Unlike China, Cuba has not
legalized private agriculture or manufacturing.

Investments will be directed
and approved by the Cuban
government. The Cuban government is unlikely to create a level
plain field for American companies,
allowing some to invest while
discriminating capriciously against others.

U. S. investments in Cuba would be limited, however, given the
lack of an extensive internal
market, the uncertainties surrounding
the long-term risk to foreign investment, an uncertain political
situation; and the opportunities provided by other markets in Latin
America and elsewhere. Modest
initial investments would be
directed primarily to exploiting Cuba's’ tourist, mining, and natural
resource industries.

The Cuban constitution still outlaws
foreign ownership of most
properties and forbids any Cubans
from participating in joint
ventures with foreigners.

Joint ventures are only permitted with state enterprises; many of
these are now under military control.

It is illegal for foreign companies
to hire or fire Cuban workers
directly. Hiring is done by the Ministry of Labor. Foreign
companies must pay the wages owed
to their employees directly to
the Cuban government in hard currency. The Cuban government
then pays out to the Cuban workers in Cuban pesos, which are worth 1/20 of a U.S. dollar, pocketing 90 percent of every dollar it
receives.

While Cuba's foreign investment
law provides protection against
government expropriation, all arbitration must take place in the
corrupt and arbitrary government offices where little protection is
given to the investor. There is no independent judicial system in
the island.

Foreign investors must also confront political uncertainties that do
not exist in many other countries. They must contend with the
possibility of the regime’s revers
ing policy, the legal questions
surrounding previously confiscated properties, and potential
sanctions against foreign investors
that cooperated with the Castro
government in the event that an anti-Castro government comes to
power.

Castro's opposition to market reforms will limit the extent to which
the private sector emerges and functions effectively, and thereby
will slow, if not prevent, attaining a measurable degree of economic
recovery. While Castro and hard-liners recognize the need for
economic recovery, they also see the likely erosion of political
power and control that accompanies the restructuring of the
economy along free-market rules. Adoption of market reforms may
well represent a solution to the economic crisis, but a full-blown
reform process carries with it the risk of loss of control over
society, as well as the economy, and threatens to alienate some of
the regime’s key constituencies. WHY MAINTAIN THE EMBARGO
The embargo should be held as a carrot to be lifted when Cuba
changes its current system and develops
a democratic society. The embargo
is not an anachronism but a legitimate instrument of U.S. policy for
achieving the goal of a free Cuba.
While most of the freely elected governments in Latin America pursue
moderate, neo-liberal economic policies, Castro has deliberately staked out a
position as the last defender of Marxism-Leninism. In October 1997 he held
a meeting in Havana of Communist leaders from all over the world to
reassert the supremacy of communist ideology and to plan for a “comeback”
when capitalism fails.
The lifting of the embargo now will be an important psychological
victory for Castro. It would be interpreted as a defeat for U.S. policy and as
an enforced acceptance of
the Castro regime as a
permanent neighbor in the
Caribbean.
The long held belief that through negotiations and incentives we can
influence Castro’s behavior has been
weakened by Castro’s unwillingness to
provide major concessions. Castro pr
efers to sacrifice the economic well
being of his people rather than cave in
to demands for a different Cuba.
Neither economic incentives nor punishment have worked with Castro in the
past. They are not likely to work in the future.  Not all differences and problems in international affairs can be solved
through negotiations or can be solved at
all. There are disputes that are not
negotiable and can only be solved either through the use of force or through
prolonged patience until the leadership
disappears or situations change.
Ignoring or supporting regimes that
violate human rights and abuse
their population is an ill-advised policy.
The Castro era may be coming to an end if for no other reason than
biological realities. Fidel Castro
is seventy-three and deteriorating
physically. U.S. policy should stay the course and wait for Castro’s
disappearance.
The gradual lifting of the embargo now will condemn the Cuban
people to a longer dictatorship and
the perpetuation of a failed Marxist-
Leninist society.
The gradual lifting of the embargo entails a real danger that the U.S.
may implement irreversible policies to
ward Cuba while Castro provides no
concessions to the U.S. or concessions that he can reverse.
A piecemeal lifting of the embargo will guarantee the continuance of
the present totalitarian political structures and prevent a rapid transformation
of Cuba into a free and democratic society.  The lifting of the travel ban wit
hout meaningful and irreversible
concessions from the Castro regime could provide the Castro brothers with
much needed foreign exchange. It would represent one of the first steps in
ending the U.S. embargo and prolong
the suffering of the Cuban people. SPECIFIC ISSUES
If the U.S. has relations with
China, why not with Cuba?
Relations with China were propelled by U.S. strategic and economic
interests 1) to counter growing Soviet
power; 2) to increase U.S. influence in
Southeast Asia; and 3) to tap the one billion-dollar China market.
Cuba is small, poor, and strategically and economically unimportant.
In Latin America, the U.S. has followed a regional policy that fosters
human rights, neo-liberal economic policies, and democratically elected
civilian governments. U.S.-Cuba
policy should be no different.
The U.S. has been willing to intervene militarily in Grenada, Panama,
and Haiti to restore democracy. In Chile it established a military embargo
against the Pinochet dictatorship. In
other countries it supported free and
transparent elections. Why should U.S.
policy toward Cuba be different?
Aren’t the Cubans also entitled to a free society?
The Cubans are suffering economically
because of the U.S. embargo.
The Cubans can buy any products, including food and medicine from
any country in the world. Dollar stores in Cuba have numerous U.S.
products, including Coca-Cola, and other symbols of American
consumerism. American dollars can
purchase almost anything in Cuba.  There are shortages in Cuba of fru
its, vegetables, potatoes, bananas,
mangos, boniatos, and other foodstuffs that have been traditionally produced
locally. What do these shortages have to do with the U.S. embargo?
The reason for Cuba’s economic suffering is a Marxist system that
discourages incentives. As in Eastern Europe under Communism, the failed
Communist system is the cause of the economic suffering of the Cubans, not
the U.S. embargo.
Tourism, trade and investment will accelerate the downfall of Communism
in Cuba as it did in the Soviet Union.
There is no evidence that tourism, trade, or investment had anything to
do with
the collapse of communism. Tourism
peaked in the Soviet Union in
1980, almost a decade before the collapse of communism. In the Soviet
Union tourism was tightly controlled with few tourists having any contact
with Russians.
The collapse of Communism was the
result of a decaying system that
did not work, the corruption and inefficiency of the Communist Party, the
economic bankruptcy of the Soviet Union in part because of military
competition with the West, an unpopular war in Afghanistan, and the
reformist policies of Mikhail Gorbachev
that accelerated the process of
change. The driving force for capitalism in
Russia and China is not trade or
investment but a strong domestic market economy, tolerated by the
government and dominated by millions of
small entrepreneurs. The will to
liberalize the economy does not exist in Cuba.
Cuba is a potential economic bonanza for U.S. companies.
Given Cuba’s scant foreign exchange, its ability to buy U.S. products
remains very limited. Cuba’s major
exports, i.e. sugar, tobacco, nickel,
citrus, are neither economically nor strategically important to the United
States.
Lifting the embargo would create severe market distortions in the
already precarious economies of the Caribbean and Central America since
the U.S. would have to divert some portion of the existing sugar quota away
from these countries to accommodate Cuba. The impact of tourism diversion
toward Cuba would profoundly hurt the economies of the Caribbean and
Central American countries.
Cuba, cited as one of the worst political and commercial risks in the
world by several recently issued country
risk guides, lags far behind China
and Vietnam in establishing the necessary conditions for economic
development and successful corporate involvement. Current foreign
investments are small and limited to do
llar sectors of the economy such as
the tourist industry and mining. American companies are not “losing out.”
In a free Cuba, U.S. companies will quickly regain the prominent role they
held in pre-Castro Cuba. If we lift the Embargo, U.S.-Latin
American relations will improve.
Cuba is not an important issue in U.S.-Latin American relations. The
U.S.-Latin American agenda includes as
priority items trade, investment,
transfer of technology, migration,
drugs, environment, and intellectual
property rights. Cuba is not a priority item on this agenda.
While publicly many Latin American countries oppose the embargo,
privately they are extremely concerned that Cuba will divert investments
from their countries to the island, and particularly that tourism will flock to
Cuba, to the detriment of the Caribbean economies.
The Embargo has failed to overthrow Fidel Castro. Why not lift it now?
The embargo was never established to overthrow the Castro
government. The embargo was established to punish the Castro government
for the confiscation of
American properties and to
pressure it to slow down
its move into the Communist camp. The embargo has been maintained to
show that Marxist-Leninism does not work as an economic or political
system and to use it as a tool to extract human rights, economic and political
concessions from the current or future Cuban government
.
While not all embargoes have worked, the embargo imposed on the
apartheid regime of South Africa and the military embargo of the Pinochet
dictatorship in Chile did work and forced political changes in both countries.
India’s sanctions on Nepal in 1989 contributed to political reforms there.
The embargo of Iraq is forcing the Saddam Hussein dictatorship to provide
some concessions to Western nations. Without major internal reforms in Cuba, the Castro government and
the military, not the Cuban people, will be
the main beneficiary of the lifting
of the embargo. While some prosperity may trickle down to the Cuban
people, state enterprises, many now under military control, will benefit most.
The Castro regime will use this newly-acquired wealth to strengthen
its hold on the Cuban people, to rebuild
its military apparatus, and to engage
again in supporting anti-American terrorist and violent groups in Latin
America and elsewhere.
To trade and invest is a country’s right not an obligation. The U.S. can
trade with whomever they want. As soon as Cuba respects human rights,
releases political prisoners, holds free and internationally supervised
elections, the embargo should be lifted.
To lift it now is to provide Castro
with a gift he does not deserve. JAIME SUCHLICKI
is Emilio Bacardi Moreau Professor of History
and International Studies and the Director of the Institute for Cuban
and Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. He was the
founding Executive Director of the North-South Center. For the past
decade he was also the editor of the prestigious
Journal of
Interamerican Studies and World Affairs
. He is currently the Latin
American Editor for Transaction Publishers and the author of
Cuba:
From Columbus to Castro
(1997), now in its fourth edition, and editor
with Irving L. Horowitz of
Cuban Communism
(1999). He is also the
author of
Mexico: From Montezuma to NAFTA
(1998). He is a highly
regarded consultant to both the private and public sector on Cuba and
Latin American affairs.
  • ...and I am Sid Harth

Sydney ISIS Outrage

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Sydney ISIS Outrage Security forces storm Sydney hostage ...

https://plus.google.com/109496258713859306429/.../iwricAYe...
22 hours ago - Sydney ISIS Outrage Security forces storm Sydney hostage siege cafe, gunman named By Lincoln Feast and Colin Packham SYDNEY Mon Dec 15, 2014 9:18pm ...

Security forces storm Sydney hostage siege cafe, gunman named

SYDNEYMon Dec 15, 2014 9:18pm IST
A police officer runs across Martin Place near Lindt cafe, where hostages are being held, in central Sydney December 15, 2014. REUTERS-David Gray
Heavily armed policemen stand guard outside the building containing the Lindt cafe, where hostages are being held, at Martin Place in central Sydney December 16, 2014.  REUTERS-David Gray
1 of 2. A police officer runs across Martin Place near Lindt cafe, where hostages are being held, in central Sydney December 15, 2014.
Credit: Reuters/David Gray

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(Reuters) - Australian security forces on Tuesday stormed the Sydney cafe where several hostages were being held at gunpoint, in what looked like the dramatic denouement to a standoff that had dragged on for more than 16 hours.
Heavy gunfire and loud bangs rang out shortly after 2 a.m. local time (1500 GMT on Monday), and moments earlier at least six people believed to have been held captive had managed to flee the scene.
Medics moved in and took away several injured people on stretchers, but it was not clear whether they included the gunman who had been named by a police source only minutes earlier.
He was identified as Man Haron Monis, an Iranian refugee and self-styled sheikh facing multiple charges of sexual assault.
He was also found guilty in 2012 of sending offensive and threatening letters to families of eight Australian soldiers killed in Afghanistan, as a protest against Australia's involvement in the conflict, according to local media reports.
During the siege, hostages had been forced to display an Islamic flag, igniting fears of a jihadist attack.
"There's no operational reason for that name to be held back by us now," said a police source, who declined to be identified, when asked to confirm reports the hostage taker was Monis.
At least five hostages were released or escaped on Monday, with terrified cafe workers and customers running into the arms of paramilitary police.
A further 15 or so hostages were understood to have been holed up inside the cafe, said Chris Reason, a reporter at Channel Seven, whose office is opposite the cafe.
HIGH ALERT
Australia, a staunch ally of the United States and its escalating action against the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, is on high alert for attacks by home-grown militants returning from fighting in the Middle East.
News footage showed hostages holding up a black and white flag displaying the Shahada - a testament to the faith of Muslims. The flag has been popular among Sunni Islamist militant groups such as Islamic State and al Qaeda.
The incident forced the evacuation of nearby buildings and sent shockwaves around a country where many people were turning their attention to the Christmas holiday following earlier security scares.
In September, anti-terrorism police said they had thwarted an imminent threat to behead a random member of the public and days later, a teenager in the city of Melbourne was shot dead after attacking two anti-terrorism officers with a knife.
The siege cafe is in Martin Place, a pedestrian strip popular with workers on a lunch break, which was revealed as a potential location for the thwarted beheading.
"We're possibly looking at a lone wolf who has sympathies to global jihad or someone with mental health issues in search of a cause," said Adam Dolnik, a professor at the University of Wollongong who has trained Sydney police in hostage negotiations. "This is all about attention."
In the biggest security operation in Sydney since a bombing at the Hilton Hotel killed two people in 1978, major banks closed their offices in the central business district and people were told to avoid the area.
Muslim leaders urged calm. The Australian National Imams Council condemned "this criminal act unequivocally" in a joint statement with the Grand Mufti of Australia.
Concerns about an attack in Australia by Islamists have been growing for more than a year, with the security agency raising its national terrorism public alert to "high" in September.
(Additional reporting by Jane Wardell, Matt Siegel, Swati Pandey, Wayne Cole and Jason Reed; Writing and editing by Mike Collett-White)

Source: Thomson Reuters

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Modi's Kasmiriyat Busted

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Modi's Kasmiriyat Busted Jammu and Kashmir polls: BJP ...

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22 hours ago - Modi's Kasmiriyat Busted Jammu and Kashmir polls: BJP formula of soft separatism plus pundit vote may fail by Sandipan Sharma Dec 15, 2014 20:38 IST 100 ...

Jammu and Kashmir polls: BJP formula of soft separatism plus pundit vote may fail



by Sandipan Sharma  Dec 15, 2014 20:38 IST

Hina Bhatt is BJP’s face in Srinagar. But she will now be remembered more for her fist of fury and foot in mouth -- both symbols of her party’s strategy in the Jammu and Kashmir.
Bhatt, who is contesting from the city’s Amira Kadal constituency, ‘misbehaved’ with a poll official. Bhatt claimed that she had reacted after noticing that the official was helping the PDP cast bogus votes.
Referring to the 1987 poll defeat of Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin, then contesting as a Muslim United Front candidate, she said, "I was very young at that time when elections were rigged and Syed Salahuddin was made to lose. The same thing is happening again."
Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front  activists shout pro-freedom slogans calling for poll boycott in Srinagar. AFP
Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front activists shout pro-freedom slogans calling for poll boycott in Srinagar. AFP
The irony of her statement wouldn’t have been lost on many — a BJP candidate fears meeting the fate of a Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist in Narendra Modi’s India.
This is not the first time Bhatt has left people wondering which side of the political divide she represents. A few weeks ago Bhatt had threatened to pick up the gun against abrogation of Article-370, even though the issue was raised by her party.
The BJP can although argue that Bhatt is new to politics and, like Sadhvi Jyoti’s diatribe, it should be forgiven and forgotten because of her background.
Yet, the BJP’s coquettish attitude towards separatists in this election is amusing, if not downright alarming. Apart from the likes of Bhatt, who have confounded many with their stance that is contrary to the BJP’s stand on issues that are at the core of the Kashmir debate, the party’s strategy suggests a lot of compromises in the pursuit of power.
The BJP game plan is simple: sweep Jammu and win as many seats as possible in the Valley, by the soft-separatism hook. So, it has not been squeamish about dropping hints of its proximity to Sajjad Ghani Lone’s People’s Conference and has been ambiguous on statements made by the likes of Bhatt, who talk more about Syed Salahuddin and less about Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.
The BJP is hoping that it would win around 25 seats outside the Valley. It hopes to make up the numbers—44 MLAs are required for a majority— with the support of its proxy candidates like Lone. This will give it a shot at power.
Interestingly, its initial calculations depended on a boycott. There are at least five constituencies in the Valley—including Bhatt’s Amira Kadal and the adjoining Habba Kadal—where Kashmiri pundits have a significant presence. A scenario where pundits voted in large numbers and others stayed home would have helped the BJP.
The polling in Srinagar—the bastion of separatists—was around 28 percent, nearly seven percent more than 2008 but abysmally low compared to the turnout in the previous phases. The lower turnout could be attributed not just to the impact of the separatists but also the belief that the urban, educated voters of Srinagar do not wish to participate in elections. Several local dailies pointed out on Monday that most of the voters stayed home voluntarily in support of their fight for a separate Kashmir.
Still, the BJP may not benefit.
After the fourth round of polling on Sunday, there is evidence that its strategy may not have worked. According to Greater Kashmir, only 11524 votes (out of nearly 55000) were polled in Habba Kadal. Out of these only 2817 (out of nearly 16000) were of migrant voters. If the migrant votes get divided between the BJP’s Moti Kaul, the Congress’ Raman Mattoo and another pundit candidate contesting as a Lok Janshakti Party candidate, one of the two regional parties would benefit.
Even the migrant voters may have let down the BJP in spite of the party’s spirited campaign to enlist their support. According to the election commission, around 9500 migrants had registered for polling but only half of them cast their votes.
Did the pundits too not take the BJP seriously in the Valley? One of the possible answers could have come from Sanjay Tickoo, president of the Valley-based Kashmir Pandit Sangharsh Samiti. “The BJP has always used the miseries of our community to gain the maximum vote bank, to gain the maximum support from the Hindu fundamentalists,” Tickoo had told the diplomat recently.
Is this why the Bhatts of the BJP have now started talking about the Salahuddins?

Source: First Post

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Modi's Economic Magic not Working

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Modi's Economic Magic not Working India News India's ...

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21 hours ago - Modi's Economic Magic not Working India News India's Trade Deficit at 18-Month High in November Trade Deficit Swelled to $16.86 Billion Versus $9.57 Billion a ...

India’s Trade Deficit at 18-Month High in November

Trade Deficit Swelled to $16.86 Billion Versus $9.57 Billion a Year Earlier


India’s trade deficit widened to the highest in 18 months in November as strengthening demand for gold pushed up imports.
The deficit swelled to $16.86 billion, compared with $9.57 billion a year earlier and $13.35 billion in October.
Imports rose 26.79% to $42.82 billion as gold imports jumped to $5.61 billion from $835.83 million a year earlier.
Imports of non-oil commodities such as coal, iron and steel also rose significantly, pointing to strengthening economic activity.
“The data give a positive signal for India’s economic recovery because imports of primary and intermediate goods, which are used in production, have risen,” said Sujit Kumar, an economist at Union Bank of India .
A sharp fall in global commodity prices are encouraging importers to take advantage of low prices, he added.
Nevertheless, the rise in gold imports could revive some worries about India’s current-account deficit that had risen to worrying levels, pushing the rupee to record lows last year. Last month, the Reserve Bank of India ended a restriction on gold imports, dubbed as the 20:80 rule, under which a fifth of the imported gold had to be exported as jewelry or in other forms. That too could stoke demand for the yellow-metal and weaken India’s trade position.
“The rise in the trade deficit is likely to widen the current-account deficit, in line with the trend seen in the previous two quarters,” said Aditi Nayar, an economist at rating firm ICRA. “At present, we do not expect the current-account deficit to exceed 2% of gross domestic product in fiscal year 2015, as the recent slack in commodity prices would ease the pressure on imports,” she added.
Monday’s data also showed India’s exports resumed climbing in November, brightening prospects that a recovery in the south Asian economy would strengthen.
Exports rose 7.27% from a year earlier to $25.96 billion, after a 5.04% fall in October.
M. Rafeeque Ahmed, president of the Federation of Indian Export Organisations, said the rise was encouraging. But the government needs to take steps to support small exporters who are being hurt by high interest rates, he added.
Write to Anant Vijay Kala at anant.kala@wsj.com and Rajesh Roy at rajesh.roy@wsj.com

Source: WSJ
 

REFILE-Indian shares fall to 1-1/2 month low; TCS outlook weighs on IT stocks

Mon Dec 15, 2014 5:55pm IST
(Corrects syntax in headline)
* BSE index falls 0.11 pct; NSE index down 0.05 pct
* NSE index breaks 50-DMA, seems oversold
* Oil price slide roils emerging markets
* TCS slumps; brokers cut estimates after management comments
By Abhishek Vishnoi
MUMBAI, Dec 15 (Reuters) - Indian shares edged lower after earlier hitting their lowest levels in 1-1/2 months as software services providers fell after Tata Consultancy Services' tepid comments on its outlook, while other blue-chips were hit by global risk aversion.
Oil prices touched fresh 5-1/2-year lows on Monday, spurring an emerging market selloff as demand for the safe-haven yen picked up while European stocks stabilised after their worst week since 2011.
Foreign investors sold shares worth 8.65 billion rupees on Friday, bringing their total outflow to nearly $280 million over the last four consecutive sessions of sales, regulatory data showed.
The 50-shares NSE index has started looking oversold after falling for six out of the past seven sessions and closing below its 50-day moving average on Monday for the first time in nearly two months.
"We believe the downside is limited from the current levels in index and expect consolidation or technical rebound in the coming session prior to any further fall," said Jayant Manglik, president at Religare Securities Ltd.
The benchmark BSE index ended 0.11 percent lower at 27,319.56.
The broader NSE index closed down 0.05 percent at 8,219.60, closing below its 50-day moving average for the first time since Oct. 21.
Both indexes earlier declined to their lowest intraday level since Oct. 30.
Software stocks led the decliners after sector leader TCS on Friday said seasonal trends would impact its Q3 revenue.
TCS fell 3.8 percent, Tech Mahindra ended down 3.6 percent, Wipro Ltd lost 0.3 percent, Infosys ended 0.7 percent lower and HCL Technologies Ltd closed 1.8 percent down.
Metals and mining stocks fell tracking lower Chinese rebar futures and spot iron ore prices.
Tata Steel fell 0.4 percent, Jindal Steel and Power lost 2 percent, JSW Steel ended down 1.4 percent while Sesa Sterlite fell 2.8 percent.
In other blue-chips, Bharat Petroleum Corp fell 4.7 percent and Axis Bank lost 1.4 percent.
Among gainers, Oil and Natural Gas Corp rose 1.8 percent and Coal India gained 3.5 percent after Economic Times reported that disinvestments can be deferred till January.
Housing Development Finance Corp surged 5.1 percent, marking its biggest daily gain since Sept. 2013 on media reports Standard Life would increase stake in the lender's insurance unit.
For additional stocks on the move double click
FACTORS TO WATCH * Yen rises in choppy trading, euro on defensive * Oil hits new five-year low before rallying to $63 * Oil price slide roils emerging markets, yen rises * Foreign institutional investor flows * For closing rates of Indian ADRs
ASIA-PACIFIC STOCK MARKETS: Pan-Asia........ Japan....... S.Korea... S.E. Asia....... Hong Kong... Taiwan.... Australia/NZ.... India....... China.....
OTHER MARKETS: Wall Street .... Gold ....... Currency.. Eurostocks..... Oil ........ JP bonds... ADR Report ..... LME metals. US bonds.. Stocks News US.. Stocks News Europe
DIARIES & DATA: Indian Data Watch Asia earnings diary U.S. earnings diary European diary Indian diary Wall Street Week Ahead Eurostocks Week Ahead
TOP NEWS:
For top Asian company news, double click on:
U.S. company news European company news
Forex news Global Economy news
Technology news Telecoms news
Media news Banking news
Politics/General Asia Macro data ($1 = 62.9050 Indian rupees) (Editing by Sunil Nair)

Source: Thomson Reuters


...and I am Sid Harth 

Hackers get Sony's Royal Ass

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Hackers get Sony's Royal Ass Morning Mix Sony Pictures ...

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20 hours ago - Hackers get Sony's Royal Ass Morning Mix Sony Pictures warns news organizations to destroy 'stolen' e-mails, documents By Terrence McCoy and Fred Barbash ...

Morning Mix

Sony Pictures warns news organizations to destroy ‘stolen’ e-mails, documents

December 14 at 11:24 PM
After days of silence, Sony Pictures Entertainment acknowledged a voluminous, embarrassing leak of internal e-mails and other materials on Sunday, warning numerous media outlets in a strongly worded letter against publishing or using the “stolen” corporate data exposed by unidentified hackers.
The materials, particularly e-mails, provided an extraordinary glimpse inside one of the world’s best-known corporations. The initial stories based on the materials went viral and absorbed days of coverage last week, illuminating the high-powered dealings, petty squabbling and ego that can define Hollywood.
The company threatened legal action against news organizations that failed to heed its request, a strategy some legal scholars say would have a rough time passing muster under the First Amendment, which protects freedom of the press. Though no one has accused any news organization of participating in the theft, the letter appears to be a gambit to stop news outlets from reporting the documents.
Sony’s action came just as the hackers, who call themselves the “Guardians of Peace” reportedly threatened another dump of stolen data. The hackers have demanded the company withdraw an upcoming comedy based on a fictional plot to assassinate North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
The massive hacking of Sony Pictures ranges from executives' e-mails disparaging actors to leaked personal information. The Post's Cecilia Kang explains what has been revealed so far, and why it could get much worse for the production company. (Jayne W. Orenstein/The Washington Post)
Written by renowned litigator David Boies on Sony’s behalf, the three-page letter, which was published by Re/Code,told news organizations to refrain from downloading the documents. It asked for “cooperation in destroying the stolen information.” Outlets that reported receiving the letter Sunday included the New York Times, Bloomberg, the Wall Street Journal,Variety,Gawker, the Los Angeles Times and Re/code. Scores of other news organizations may have also received Sony letter.
It said the studio “does not consent to your possession, review, copying, dissemination, publication, uploading, downloading, or making any use of the stolen information.”
“If you do not comply with this request, and the stolen information is used or disseminated by you in any manner,” Boies wrote, “Sony Pictures Entertainment will have no choice but to hold you responsible for any damage or loss arising from such use or dissemination by you.” It said Sony was at risk of “loss of value of intellectual property and trade secrets” as a result of the media’s actions. (Among the stolen items reportedly is the screenplay for an upcoming James Bond movie,“Spectre.”)
Hackers steal screenplay of the James Bond film “Spectre” as part of a massive e-mail hack at Sony Pictures. (Reuters)
The letter marked the latest turn in a hacking drama that embarrassed Sony as well as a number of big Hollywood players. The contents of the leaked data, which some analysts suspect may be linked to a North Korean regime furious over the release of Sony’s movie “The Interview,” included information on Sony’s salaries, business dealings, private health records and executive correspondence. Those letters revealed what’s been described in media reports as a racially insensitive conversation involving President Obama and disparaging remarks about some of Hollywood’s biggest actors, including Angelina Jolie and Leonardo DiCaprio.
Among those mentioned in the e-mails was Aaron Sorkin, who blasted news organizations this morning in a commentary in the New York Times. “I’m not a disinterested third party,” he wrote. “Much of the squabbling” featured in stolen emails “was about a movie that’s about to begin shooting, ‘Steve Jobs,’ for which I wrote the screenplay.”
But, “as a screenwriter in Hollywood who’s only two generations removed from probably being blacklisted, I’m not crazy about Americans calling other Americans un-American, so let’s just say that every news outlet that did the bidding of the Guardians of the Peace is morally treasonous and spectacularly dishonorable.”
Sony’s lawyer, Boies, is one of the nation’s most famous litigators. He represented the U.S. government in its antitrust suit against Microsoft, was the lead counsel for Vice President Al Gore in the 2000 Florida election case that reached the Supreme Court (Bush v. Gore) and, most recently, fought a California proposition banning same-sex marriage. He did not respond late last night to a request for comment by The Post.
Sony’s ability to follow through with legal action is uncertain at best, legal scholars said last night. “The short answer is that publishing such leaked material, even if it was illegally extracted by hackers, is likely to be legal,” said University of California at Los Angeles law professor Eugene Volokh in an e-mail last night. He cited a 2001 Supreme Court case, Bartnicki v. Vopper, which he said “held that a publisher had a First Amendment right to publish illegally intercepted phone calls (when it wasn’t involved in the initial illegal interception.)” Volokh stewards the blog, The Volokh Conspiracy, which appears in the Washington Post. Here’s his post on this subject.
George Freeman, a former attorney for the New York Times who now runs the Media Law Resource Center, said Sony’s demands struck him as “a stretch.” He said newspapers and other publications have reported leaked corporate and government documents “scores of times,” and this instance appears similar to those.
“I can’t think of any instance where the innocent beneficiary of leaks would get restrained from publishing,” Freeman said, referencing the news outlets’ decisions to publish the Pentagon Papers. “If anything, there would be less a problem for media in printing corporate documents like these than printing classified documents, which the government has claimed can violate the Espionage Act.”
Investigators have identified seven proxy servers around the world the hackers used to route their attack, one of which was based at a hotel in Thailand. The others were in Poland, Italy, Cyprus, Bolivia, Singapore and the United States, said a person familiar with the investigation who spoke with The Post last week on the condition of anonymity because the probe remained incomplete.
The FBI, which has been investigating the incident, has not yet publicly named a culprit.
While most of the publicity from the leaks focused on embarrassing e-mail exchanges between executives and snarky comments about stars such as Jolie, Boies’s letter focused on a different class of information, including communications between lawyer and client, private financial data, intellectual property and “business secrets.”
It noted that “the perpetrators of the theft have threatened” Sony “for the stated purpose of materially harming” the company unless it withdraws the motion picture from distribution.


Why Sony probably can’t stop the media from publishing stories from the hack

December 15 at 5:55 AM

The Pentagon Papers. Climategate. Wikileaks. The celebrity nude photo scandal. Confidential information stolen and leaked.
News organizations have long used material, stolen by others, when they deem it newsworthy, whether it’s from the files of the government or private companies and individuals. Lots of people have tried to stop them. Rarely have they succeeded.
The latest example is Sony Pictures Entertainment. Its lawyer sent a letter to media organizations on Sunday warning them not to use a trove of corporate data dumped by hackers who infiltrated the company’s corporate servers last month. And it wasn’t just any lawyer. The sender of the “Dear General Counsel” letter was celebrated litigator David Boies.
The massive hacking of Sony Pictures ranges from executives' e-mails disparaging actors to leaked personal information. The Post's Cecilia Kang explains what has been revealed so far, and why it could get much worse for the production company. (Jayne W. Orenstein/The Washington Post)
Can Sony, even with David Boies, force the media to stop reporting the details of the hack or make news organizations destroy the documents, as Boies is demanding?
According to legal experts, probably not. Unless the publications themselves stole the documents, the courts have blanketed them with broad First Amendment protections that are hard to overcome. So if Sony doesn’t have much of a legal leg to stand on, what’s the point of sending threatening letters to the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Los Angeles Times, Gawker and other media outlets?
Perhaps to scare them. Nobody relishes the prospect of costly legal battle. Media organizations might postpone publication of stories about the hack while they consult their lawyers, or exercise more caution and discretion in what they publish, weighing the real news value as opposed to the click quotient. The letter also plays to some news organizations’ ethical sensibilities. Some already feel squeamish about using stolen material, though it hasn’t stopped them.
In the past week, the media have published hundreds of stories about the personal e-mails and corporate documents, reporting on Sony executive salaries, business dealings and e-mail exchanges in which executives took shots at President Obama and Angelina Jolie, among others. It’s one of the largest document dumps ever to hit a major corporation.
The letter sent by Boies said the stolen information includes material protected by attorney-client privilege, trade secrets and private information otherwise legally protected.
Sony “does not consent to your possession, review, copying, dissemination, publication, uploading, downloading, or making any use of the Stolen Information,” the letter said. It warned Sony would have “no choice but to hold you responsible from any damage or loss resulting from such use or dissemination by you.”
University of California at Los Angeles law professor Eugene Volokh explained in a blog post for The Washington Post that as long as media outlets don’t participate in stealing information, they are generally protected by the First Amendment if they use it in their reporting.
That what the Supreme Court ruled in Bartnicki v. Vopper, a 2001 case about a radio host who played a tape of an illegally recorded conversation left in his mailbox. On the tape, union leaders in the middle of a contract dispute with the school board discussed taking violent action if their demands weren’t met. The union leaders sued, saying the radio host violated federal and state wiretapping laws that prohibit dissemination of stolen information.
The court sided with the media. The case turned on two things: the fact the radio host didn’t intercept the conversation himself and claimed not to know it was illegally recorded, and the fact that conversation was newsworthy. A “stranger’s illegal conduct does not suffice to remove the First Amendment shield from speech about a matter of public concern,” Chief Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the majority.
That case doesn’t exactly fit the facts of the Sony hack. For one thing, media outlets know the information was stolen.
But in another case from 1969, reporters did know that photocopied documents given to them by former employees of Sen. Thomas Dodd (D-Conn.) were taken without permission. Dodd sued investigative reporters Jack Anderson and Drew Pearson. The D.C. Circuit Court in Pearson v. Dodd said giving photocopies to reporters didn’t deprive Dodd of a property right to the documents, and the reporters didn’t intrude on Dodd’s privacy by publishing information of public concern that was stolen by someone else.
Sony might argue the stolen information isn’t newsworthy for First Amendment purposes — for example, an e-mail from movie producer Scott Rudin calling Jolie a “minimally talented spoiled brat.” The definition of what’s newsworthy isn’t clear, but is generally forgiving to publishers, Volokh told The Post in a phone interview. Even seemingly petty details could be deemed valuable to public discussion. “Personal opinions about Angelina Jolie might be newsworthy because they reflect on the behavior of two really important business actors,” Volokh said.
But there are limits to what newspapers can do in the name of press freedom. Volokh said there are two types of information that the media could get in trouble for publishing.
The first is personal information about a particular individual — details about an extramarital affair or the medical records of a low-level employee whose health, unlike that of a U.S. president, isn’t of public concern. Bloomberg published an article last week that reveals information about Sony employees’ private health records without naming names.
But even in such cases, Sony couldn’t sue, Volokh said. Only the person whose private information was made public could.
The media could also get in trouble for publishing copyrighted material. Re/Code reported the stolen data includes five unreleased Sony films. Even e-mails are protected by copyright. Paraphrasing or excerpting an e-mail isn’t likely to infringe on copyright, but publication of the full text might, Volokh said.
On the other hand, a strong letter from a lawyer tends to get the attention of editors and their corporate legal departments. Stories can get slowed down or even vetoed as not worth the risk from a news standpoint. Right now, news organizations appear to be pretty freewheeling with the Sony information, though some journalists already have reservations about publishing stolen material unless it exposes some significant wrongdoing.
“The more Sony Pictures data keeps leaking, the more my moral compass spins like a weather vane in a hurricane,” Variety co-editor-in-chief Andrew Wallenstein wrote in an op-ed titled “Why Publishing Stolen Sony Data Is Problematic but Necessary.” “It’s getting harder for me to report on the contents of Sony’s leak without wondering whether I’m somehow complicit with these nefarious hackers by relaying the details of seemingly every pilfered terabyte.”
But in today’s social-media environment, the simple fact someone else leaked private material becomes news, whether or not a publication chooses to reproduce it. That’s what happened with the nude photo hack of Hollywood celebrities, during which many outlets publicized the pictures without publishing them even as they condemned them as a grotesque invasion of privacy.
“These [Sony] documents are neither the JLaw nude photos nor are they Snowden’s cache of national security documents,” Anne Helen Petersen wrote for Buzzfeed. “Yet when it comes to future handling of such information, the gray area in which they reside — between public and private, between prurient and illuminating — might not be the exception, but the new normal.”
She sees a function for journalists now. “The new role of journalists, for better or for worse, isn’t as gatekeepers, but interpreters: If they don’t parse it, others without the experience, credentials, or mindfulness toward protecting personal information certainly will.”

Gail Sullivan covers business for the Morning Mix blog.
Source: Washington Post
...and I am Sid Harth

Modi's Fishy Underwater Ballet

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Modi's Fishy Underwater Ballet Everything looks nice on a ...

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20 hours ago - Modi's Fishy Underwater Ballet Everything looks nice on a piece of paper, especially on a newspaper. India is a big (poor) country with million-plus non military ...

India's first nuclear submarine heads for sea trials




India's first nuclear submarine heads for sea trials
India has the Agni ballistic missiles and fighters jury-rigged to deliver nukes but the triad’s underwater leg has remained elusive so far.
NEW DELHI: Over 40 years after India began its hunt for nuclear submarines, the 6,000-tonne INS Arihant quietly sailed out of the harbour at Visakhapatnam on a misty Monday morning to begin its extensive sea trials.

While it was "a baby step" towards making the country's first indigenous nuclear submarine fully-operational, given that INS Arihant will now first undergo a whole host of surface sorties and then "dived" ones with test-firing of its ballistic missiles over the next 18 months, it did mark a significant milestone towards building a long-awaited credible nuclear weapons triad.

India has the Agni ballistic missiles and fighters jury-rigged to deliver nukes but the triad's underwater leg has remained elusive so far. It will be in place only once INS Arihant followed by its two under-construction sister submarines - one christened INS Aridhaman and the other just S-4 at present - are ready to undertake "deterrent patrols" by prowling underwater for months at end ready to let loose their missiles if required.

The launch of INS Arihant's sea-acceptance trials (SATs), which were flagged off by defence minister Manohar Parrikar and Navy chief Admiral Robin Dhowan, comes a day after TOI reported the submarine was all set for them with its 83 MW pressurized light-water reactor attaining 100% power and the completion of its long-drawn harbour-acceptance trials (HATs).

The real test during the SATs will be the test-firing of its K-15 submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), which has so far been tested only from submersible pontoons around a dozen times. The 750-km range K-15 - INS Arihant can carry 12 in its four silos -- is dwarfed by the well over 5,000-km SLBMs present with the US, Russia and China. But an over 2,000-km range K-4 SLBM, tested for the first time in March this year, is also in the works.

The criticality of SLBMs for deterrence can be gauged from the fact that even the US and Russia are ensuring that almost two-thirds of the strategic warheads they eventually retain under strategic arms reduction agreements are such missiles.

Already armed with five nuclear and 51 conventional submarines, China too is now on course to induct five JIN-class SSBNs (nuclear-powered submarines armed with long-range ballistic missiles) with 7,400-km range JL-2 missiles.

The Indian Navy, in turn, wants at least three SSBNs and six nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) in the long-term. It currently operates one SSN in the shape of INS Chakra, obtained on a 10-year lease for Russia for around $1 billion, while negotiations are underway to acquire another such boat. While these submarines have short-range cruise missiles, they are not armed with nuclear missiles because of international treaties like the Missile Technology Control Regime.     
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Sid Harth
I suggest Modi learn some military history, not written by Badboy-Batra. Bunch of Idiots! ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
A small number of submarines have been converted to serve in special-forces operations, such as extracting or depositing Navy SEALs onto the shores of enemy nations. Modified Ohio-class Trident submarines are now outfitted with Tomahawk cruise missiles, some of which are topped with tactical nuclear warheads. But are these missiles really necessary? Some argue that there are real benefits to staying prepared in the face of adversity. Submarine-launched missiles strike their targets with a nuclear payload in a mere 15 minutes -- land-based missiles take 30 minutes to reach their targets. Of course, timeliness is only advantageous if you're attempting to annihilate a foe with an overwhelming first strike. As far as we know, there's no nation on Earth that can neutralize all of the United States' spread-out and concealed missile silo sites, as well as all of its airborne nuclear capabilities. So it would seem that keeping hundreds more nuclear warheads lurking beneath the sea is a superfluous measure. Take Trident submarines, for instance. Each of these can carry up to 24 ballistic missiles, and each missile can deliver up to eight different warheads. These subs could be converted to serve pragmatic, tactical non-nuclear military functions or dedicated to civilian research and exploration. The majority of the Navy's oceanic research has been dedicated to military purposes. In recent years, the Navy has begun more actively making its nuclear submarines available for use by the scientific community. These subs are ideal for traveling to polar locations, remaining submerged at great depths for long periods of time and serving as self-contained nautical research laboratories, even in the harshest climates. So while there may no longer be a need for submarine-mounted ballistic nuclear missiles, the capabilities of nuclear-powered submarines -- and the flexible role they can play for military and scientific use -- seem to justify their continued production.
Sid Harth
Nuclear Subs in a Post-Cold War World While Russia's nuclear subs might not be up to much these days, the United States is still putting its subs to use. That said, we need some nuclear submarines -- we just need fewer of them, and there's no longer the need for the subs to be outfitted with nuclear warheads. In this post-Cold War era, the deterrent threat of submarines is actually greater if they're outfitted with weapons that navies can plausibly use. Nuclear subs today are likelier to be equipped with Tomahawk missiles that have conventional explosive payloads than with nuclear missiles they'll likely never fire. ­A submarine powered by onboard nuclear reactors has a nearly limitless range and superior maneuverability; what's more, it can be placed in far-flung waters across the globe with no need to surface except for crew provisions every three months or so. So while the technology behind nuclear missiles might not be doing us a lot of good today, the innovation of the nuclear reactor is still serving at least six international navies. The U.S., Russia, Great Britain, France, China and India all have nuclear submarines in their fleets. And many more nations have diesel-electric subs, the alternative to nuclear submarines. Diesel-electric subs also have good range and can stay submerged for days on end. They're much quieter underwater running on electric power than a nuclear submarine is. Compared to nuclear subs, diesel-electric submarines do have a few drawbacks. For one, they must surface periodically to refuel and recharge. Additionally, they must stay in range of a friendly port, so they're not as quick to respond to crises around the globe. By contrast, a nuclear submarine can lurk for months off the coasts of geopolitical hot spots, such as the Persian Gulf.
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Every other day, or so it seems, Modi quotes some or other dead Hindu Nationaist, Mahatma Gandhi's 'peaceful' civil disobidience, Buddha's national integrity, how come he is stuck upon a dead technology of war? Nuclear submarines have not now, or never settled short or long wars. Never, I repeat for Indian-hoodlums, never. But do the world's navies still need all of these attack and ballistic missile subs? Is having such a large deterrent force still justified when we're not squaring off against a navy of equal power?
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As Modi's 'I' brigade, 'I' for Indian, not for idiots, we must examine the entire issue of future wars among nations, developed, not so developed and absolutely poor-ly developed nation, that is India. Do we still need nuclear submarines? by Tom Scheve On July 23, 1958, crew members board the nuclear-powered submarine USS Nautilus (SSN-571). This historic voyage took the crew from Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, to the North Pole. US Navy/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images How Nuclear Power Works Find Out More: "Countdown to Zero" During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union targeted each other with a full array of nuclear weapons. And within the arsenal of nuclear weapons was the nuclear submarine. Though it wasn't technically a weapon itself, the nuclear sub was an incredibly lethal machine, carrying ballistic missiles around the world -- even beneath the polar ice caps. What's more, these subs could circumvent the oceans virtually unnoticed, hidden until the time came to launch hundreds of missiles and strike enemy territory. ­ Nuclear submarines get the "nuclear" moniker from their nuclear reactor power source, not from the weaponry they carry. During the Cold War, nuclear submarines were the third part of a strategic deterrence triad that included land-based missile silos and airplanes with nuclear payloads. The U.S. alone maintained 41 ballistic-missile nuclear subs -- the "41 for Freedom" -- during the Cold War, and each had the nuclear payload to strike a crushing blow to any nation on Earth. In addition to the boomers, which were the missile-armed nuclear U.S. subs, there were fast attacks, nuclear-powered submarines designed to hunt down and (if need be) destroy enemy submarines or surface vessels. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the Cold War was effectively over. The once formidable Soviet navy soon turned into an aging, poorly maintained fleet that the Russians couldn't financially maintain. To this day, there are dozens of USSR nuclear subs rusting in Russian ports, their nuclear reactors filled with spent fuel that's yet to be disposed of. By contrast, in 2002 the U.S. still had in service 71 nuclear submarines: 53 fast attacks and 18 ballistic missile subs (four of those ballistic missile subs have since been converted into new attack subs). And in 1999, there were 129 nuclear reactors still used by the Navy. This number accounts for the submarines that are powered by two reactors as well as a handful of nuclear-powered research vessels [source: Brookings].
Sid Harth
My dear ManoHAR Parrikar, you have a big problem. Money! Bunch of idiots! ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
NUCLEAR SCHOLARS INITIATIVE | 7 Analysis The nuclear export control regimes have certain key features in common: secrecy, non- binding guidelines, informal or gan i za tion al structure, the lack of a basis in international law, and a cartel- like appearance. Tracing the existence of these similarities from the 1940s to the 1990s through varying stages of nuclear export control regimes allows the in fl uences on these regimes to be evaluated and examined. Six key formative pressures have acted upon multilateral efforts to harmonize export controls. Two are internal or inherent to the regime: membership and technology; three are external pressures: commercial interest, geopolitics, and legitimacy; and the fi nal, commitment to nonproliferation, lies at the intersection of internal and external forces. MEMBERSHIP Supplier regimes are often accused of having the wrong members, either including states that are not committed to the groups’ ends or leaving out crucial suppliers. 26 There is currently strong debate over how to determine new NSG membership. 27 Modern mechanisms like UN Security Council Resolution 1540 have attempted to universalize certain export control standards. Expansions in membership, however, have often been damaging or even fatal to the supplier regimes. Letting in too many new members undermines the features of limited membership that make it successful— what Michael Wilmshurst, one of the key British nego- tiators in the NSG in the 1970s, describes as the “feeling of identity and co- operation” is lost. 28 The Western Suppliers Group met for the last time in 1967, largely overtaken by the negotiations over Article III of the NPT. Most of the members expressed a desire to meet again once those negotiations were completed. On the other hand, the South African repre- sentative, in agreeing that no further meeting should be held, remarked “that the member- ship of fourteen nations was now too large for genuinely private discussions.” 29 The fi nal Western Suppliers Group (now calling itself the Nuclear Suppliers Group or NSG) meeting had involved the “usual nine”— the United States, Canada, Britain, France, Belgium, Austra- lia, South Africa, West Germany, and Japan— plus fi ve new members: Switzerland, Sweden, Italy, the Netherlands, and Norway. The unpopularity of South Africa on the international stage due to apartheid may go some way in explaining its position, but it expressed a pertinent problem with multilateral mechanisms in such a sensitive fi eld, combining security and economic interests with tightly guarded technology. Small membership improves the chances of successful cooperation by lowering some of the perceived costs of cooperation and fostering a joint identity, both of which can make consensus easier to 26. Seema Gahlaut and Victor Zaborsky, “Do Export Control Regimes Have Members They Really Need?,” Comparative Strategy 23, no. 1 (2004): 73– 91. 27. Mark Hibbs and Toby Dalton, “Nuclear Suppliers Group: Don’t Rush
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6 | SARAH WEINER the Eu ro pe an members were increasingly uncomfortable with the negative reception of the Club in the developing world, their key market. 21 The full NSG did not meet from 1978 until the early 1990s. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Af ghan i stan, reigniting Cold War tensions. The U.S. position toward India and Pakistan changed dramatically as they became strategically important allies in the region. Nuclear trade was hit hard, and overcapacity on the supply side increased pressure to fi nd a competitive edge by adding enrichment or repro cessing as “sweeteners.” 22 In practice this meant exporting sensitive nuclear technologies where commercially viable, not neces- sarily where there was a low risk of proliferation. 23 A series of revelations concerning Iraq’s nuclear weapons program prompted the NSG to meet again in 1992, leading to the introduction of a second trigger list, this time of so- called “dual use” items. The inclusion of dual- use items was billed as a big step for- ward in improving the effectiveness of nuclear export controls. 24 In 1994 the Group introduced the “non- proliferation clause,” requiring states to consider if they thought their exports might lead to proliferation before making an export decision. This was the fi rst time a subjective and potentially discriminatory principle was introduced into the guidelines, showing a marked difference from the 1970s. An outreach campaign attempted to explain the NSG’s actions and motives and to invite new members in an attempt to mitigate the harm done by the secrecy of the early years. As of mid- 2013, the NSG has 48 participating states. Problems remain, however. Levels of implementation vary widely across members, and there is no systematic way of tracking or verifying effective implementation. Due to the voluntary nature of the guidelines, they cannot be enforced, and the NSG has almost no in de pen dent character outside its member states. Unlike other organizations, it lacks a secretariat or directorship; instead there is a rotating chair, a consultative group, an an- nual plenary, and a point of contact with the Japa nese Mission to the International Organi- zations in Vienna. Despite its outreach efforts, the group still suffers from a lack of legitimacy due to its status outside more established mechanisms of international law and its perceived commercial, discriminatory character. Observers have also lamented a lack of information sharing, either with similar organizations or within the group itself. 25 These are ongoing problems that have long plagued the group and are tied up with the fundamental nature of multilateral export control regimes
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NUCLEAR SCHOLARS INITIATIVE | 5 explosion. Even though it was clarifying aspects of a legally binding treaty, the committee declared early on that it would only produce “understandings” for what the treaty obliga- tions were regarding sales to non- NPT members (an NPT member had to have full- scope safeguards with the IAEA if it was a nonnuclear weapon state) and that its recommenda- tions would be nonbinding. 17 THE NUCLEAR SUPPLIERS GROUP India’s unexpected “peaceful nuclear explosion” in May 1974 focused U.S. attention on the dangers posed by unrestrained export of nuclear technology. Deeming the Zangger Com- mittee inadequate to meet the challenge, the United States induced six other Western suppliers between 1975 and 1977 to agree on a set of guidelines for nuclear trade. The India test played a catalytic role in a nonproliferation environment that already had signi fi cant weaknesses: the Zangger Committee was unable to include important suppliers outside the NPT regime, notably France and Japan, and the U.S. administration was not closely focused on the nonproliferation issue. 18 After the test and a nonproliferation policy review con- ducted under Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, which suggested France be included, the United States changed tack and took the lead in arranging supplier club meetings. While the U.S. response to India’s test was muted, the United States was deeply concerned about proposed deals to supply Brazil and Pakistan with nuclear technology. Washington faced reluctance from its partners, particularly those in Eu rope. 19 France was traditionally opposed to multilateral organizations and unenthusiastic about uniform export standards, preferring to take a case- by- case approach. Despite disagreements, the Group released Guidelines on Nuclear Transfers in 1977, stating its intention to comply with the IAEA safeguards. The guidelines applied to a trigger list of items whose export, to any state, would require national licensing and the applica- tion of safeguards, as well as physical protection mea sures and government assurances of nondiversion to a weapons program. The United States also obtained an agreement from the other members to exercise restraint in exporting enrichment and repro cessing technol- ogy but was unsuccessful in obtaining a ban on sales, as it had hoped. The guidelines also did not stipulate full- scope safeguards as a condition of supply, although some members adopted this condition in the early 1980s. As successive U.S. administrations took a tougher line on plutonium- producing reactors, like those favored by Eu ro pe an producers, the fragile agreements reached in the early NSG came under increasing pressure. 20 The mem- bers could not come to agreement on further conditions, such as full- scope safeguards, and 17. Fritz W. Schmidt, “The Zangger Committee: Its History and Future Role,” Nonproliferation Review 2, no. 1 (1994): 38– 44. 18. Samuel J. Walker, “Nuclear Power and Nonproliferation: T
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4 | SARAH WEINER Western nations started to meet to coordinate efforts to apply safeguards on bilateral sales of uranium, especially to India and Japan, which were seen as the “bad boys” of prolifera- tion. 13 The United States wanted other states to have to apply the sort of controls the U.S. Congress had implemented in 1954 for two reasons— to prevent unsafeguarded sales to India and Japan and to level the playing fi eld for U.S. industry. Britain and Canada, the latter having initially only asked for assurances of peaceful use, began to ask for safe- guards. These three had some success convincing South Africa and Australia, albeit reluc- tantly, to ask for safeguards, whereas Belgium and France made deals that did not involve safeguards. The group’s efforts continued to be limited, and despite meeting from 1958 through 1967, they obtained only a “gentleman’s agreement” to refrain from supply with- out safeguards. 14 To some extent the Western Suppliers Group (WSG) was the NSG a de cade early, but its priorities were limited to applying IAEA safeguards to bilateral sales of nuclear materials and technology. Its members produced no guidelines document, although they did circu- late a model contract containing the requirement for safeguards to be applied. The WSG shared other notable features with the NSG— it was secret, informal, and nonbinding. Unlike the NSG, it was unable to pressure France into accepting uniform conditions of supply. Its members began to develop a rudimentary trigger list, but no formal agreement was reached, and the trigger list debate would be continued after the Non- Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force. 15 THE ZANGGER COMMITTEE After the NPT came into force in 1970, Article III.2 required that states not provide “source or special fi ssionable material . . . or . . . equipment or material especially designed or prepared for the pro cessing, use or production of special fi ssionable material” to a non- nuclear weapons state without safeguards. 16 In order to ensure a uniform approach and to determine treaty obligations on sales to nonmember states, the Zangger Committee was formed to determine a precise list of the items that came under the NPT and would trigger safeguards. The trigger list was aimed at reactors and did not include forms of enrichment, production of heavy water, or fuel repro cessing. The Zangger Committee published its “understandings” and trigger list in 1974, just after India detonated a peaceful nuclea
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NUCLEAR SCHOLARS INITIATIVE | 3 and information exchange on the understanding that neither would share that information with a third party. Bertrand Goldschmidt characterizes it as the fi rst nonproliferation treaty 8 ; Richard Rhodes describes it as the fi rst act of proliferation by giving nuclear se- crets to the British. 9 In a way both scholars are right, because the Quebec Agreement allowed a limited degree of proliferation in return for greater control over further prolif- eration. As well as the agreement not to share information, the Quebec Agreement set up a trust between the parties to secure global supplies of uranium and deny it to potential proliferators. The Combined Development Trust (later Agency) arranged contracts for uranium and thorium with Brazil, Belgium, Portugal, the Netherlands, India, and later South Africa and Australia. Those contracts included an agreement that the supplier would not sell to a third party without consulting the United States, giving the United States an option on all ura- nium supplies and establishing a group of nations with very basic export controls. The United States failed to reach an agreement with Sweden, which, after seeing the ends for which uranium was being used in 1945, declined to part with its domestic supplies. 10 Nevertheless, it agreed not to export to a third country without informing the United States and claimed its export licensing system would ensure this could not happen. 11 The Combined Development Agency (CDA) was secret until about 1956, when its name, if not its entire purpose, was declassi fi ed. It relied almost entirely upon the economic power of the United States, and rather than a negotiated diplomatic arrangement, it was a system of industrial contracts and trade agreements. The arrangement between the domi- nant three— the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada— was described in British rec ords as “nothing more than a gentleman’s agreement” 12 designed to deny the materials necessary for making a weapon to any other country, whether ally (France) or enemy (the Soviet Union). To that extent the CDA was a forebearer of later efforts. The fact that it continued to operate even after relations between the United States and the United King- dom concerning nuclear weapons technology had deteriorated, and while efforts toward international control were ongoing, is a recurring theme of such arrangements. THE WESTERN SUPPLIERS GROUP The CDA became increasingly in effec tive as global uranium supplies outstripped the economic capacity of the United States. The Agency refused to renew its remaining con- tracts with South Africa, Australia, and Belgium, leaving these countries in need of new customers for their domestic uranium supplies. The newly minted International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was developing its safeguards concept at the same time. A group of 8. Goldschmidt, Atomic Complex , 52. 9. Richard Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb (New York: Simon & Schust
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2 | SARAH WEINER The NSG and its guidelines have been controversial and po liti cally sensitive since their inception, sparking accusations of discrimination and illegitimacy under international law. 4 As an exclusive “club” of nuclear suppliers, the Group has been plagued by suspicions of cartel formation and commercial self- interest. Its decision to waive restrictions on nuclear trade with India in 2008, under pressure from the United States following the U.S.- India civil nuclear agreement, prompted concerns over the future of the nonprolifera- tion regime and the NSG’s role in it. 5 That India should be granted such an exemption is an interesting irony in the history of the NSG, which was set up following India’s peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974. The current pressures to allow India membership into the Group and to extend a similar waiver to Pakistan come amid concern over the nuclear intentions of Iran and North Korea and the still pending civil nuclear “re nais sance.” Given these concerns, it has never been more important to understand the politics of nuclear supply. There are six dominant pressures at work on efforts to establish common suppliers’ policies, and these have varied in importance over time. These forces are both internal and external. Outside sources, such as the competition with commercial interests, the compet- ing priorities from foreign and domestic politics, and legitimacy on the international stage, are matched by internal aspects inherent to the Group itself— its membership and the technology it is endeavoring to control. Finally, the goal of nonproliferation and how prolif- eration is viewed by member states plays a role. Six factors— commerce, politics, legiti- macy, membership, technology, and nonproliferation— form a comprehensive analytical framework. What pressures they bring to bear, how they are treated, the way they interact, and how and when individual issues dominate will bring a powerful understanding to the nature and actions of multilateral export control regimes. Multilateral Nuclear Export Control Regimes THE COMBINED DEVELOPMENT AGENCY, 1945– 1961 The early history of nuclear weapons development is one of U.S. unilateral denial and its brief monopoly of the bomb, while other countries developed their own programs without (willing) U.S. help. Nuclear technology does not lend itself easily to unilateralism, however, and the United States discovered the limits of unilateral denial even before the decision to use the bomb was made. 6 In order to complete the development of its nuclear weapon, the United States needed British scientists and British help to access uranium in the Belgian Congo; in return the British wanted to resume information sharing on the U.S. Manhattan Project. 7 The result in 1943 was the Quebec Agreement, which reestablished cooperation 4. Ian Anthony, Christer Ahlstrom, and Vitaly Fedchenko, Reforming Nuclear Export Controls: The Future of the Nuclear Suppliers Group , SIPRI Resear
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| 1 A Gentleman’s Agreement Isabelle Anstey 1 T his paper will examine the pressures, incentives, and restraints that form the politics of multilateral nuclear export control arrangements by examining the evolution of nuclear supplier arrangements from the 1950s to the 1990s. Focusing on the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), this paper identi fi es six key pressures that shape the form and behavior of multilateral nuclear export control regimes. A deeper understanding of these pressures and how they resulted in the NSG offers a more nuanced backdrop against which to consider future policies for nuclear export control. Introduction This paper will examine the pressures, incentives, and restraints that form the politics of multilateral nuclear export control arrangements by examining the evolution of nuclear supplier arrangements from the 1950s to the 1990s. The primary mechanism during this time was the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) formed in 1975, a voluntary, secretive, elite club of countries that offered nonbinding guidelines for national nuclear supply practice. Very little has been written to date on the history of multilateral nuclear export control regimes, and even less speci fi cally on the NSG itself. This gap was recognized by leading nuclear studies scholar Scott Sagan in his 2011 article surveying the fi eld. 2 The majority of work that exists focuses on ways to improve multilateral mechanisms and/or national export controls. It is therefore forward- looking and policy proscriptive in nature, rather than historical and analytical. Researchers, in evaluating the nuclear export control regime, have identi fi ed the nonbinding, voluntary nature of the guidelines as fundamental fl aws, and some have called for a nuclear export treaty or similar universal, binding, veri fi ed regime to control the trade in sensitive nuclear and dual- use technology. 3 A deeper under- standing of the pressures that form multilateral supplier arrangements through historical analysis will offer a more nuanced backdrop against which to consider such future policies. 1. Isabelle Anstey is a Ph.D. candidate with the Centre for Science and Security Studies, Department of War Studies, King’s College London. 2. Scott D. Sagan, “The Causes of Nuclear Weapons Proliferation ,” Annual Review of Po liti cal Science 14 (2011): 239. 3. Jacob Blackford, Multilateral Nuclear Export Controls After the AQ Khan Network (Washington, DC: Institute for Science and International Security, January 2005); and Andrea Viski, “International Nuclear Law and Nuclear Export Controls,” International Journal of Nuclear Law 3, no. 3 (2011): 216– 29
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| V Introduction and A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s A ddressing an increasingly complex array of nuclear weapons challenges in the future will require talented young people with the necessary technical and policy expertise to contribute to sound decisionmaking on nuclear issues over time. To that end, the CSIS Project on Nuclear Issues (PONI) runs a yearly Nuclear Scholars Initiative for graduate students and young professionals. Those accepted into the program are hosted once per month at CSIS in Washington, DC, where they participate in daylong workshops with se nior government o ffi cials and policy experts. Over the course of the six- month program, Schol- ars are required to prepare a research paper. This volume is a collection of those papers. PONI owes many thanks to the outstanding Nuclear Scholars Class of 2013 for their dedication and outstanding work. Special thanks are due to Dr. Clark Murdock, Dr. Richard Wagner, and Ms. Amy Woolf for providing valuable feedback to the Nuclear Scholars about their research and to Amb. Linton Brooks for chairing several meetings and serving as a consistent mentor to the Class of 2013. PONI would also like to thank all the experts who came to speak to the Nuclear Scholars during their workshop sessions. The Nuclear Scholars Initiative could not function without the generosity of these knowledgeable individuals. Lastly, PONI would like to thank our partners, especially the Defense Threat Reduction Agency and the National Nuclear Security Administration, for their continued support. Without them, the Nuclear Scholars Initiative would not be possible. This material is based upon work supported by the Department of Energy National Nuclear Security Administration under Award Number(s) DE- NA0000344. Disclaimer: This report was prepared as an account of work sponsored by an agency of the United States Government. Neither the United States Government nor any agency thereof, nor any of their employees, makes any warranty, express or implied, or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, complete- ness, or usefulness of any information, apparatus, product, or pro cess disclosed, or represents that its use would not infringe privately owned rights. Reference herein to any speci fi c commercial product, pro cess, or ser vice by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise does not necessarily constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendation, or favoring by the United States Government or any agency thereof. The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessary state or re fl ect those of the United States Government or any agency thereof
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About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonpro fi t or ga ni za tion headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of a ffi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive o ffi cer in April 2000. CSIS does not take speci fi c policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). About the CSIS Project on Nuclear Issues Many of the most pressing national and international security challenges are tied to nuclear weapons. The need to reduce the prevalence of nuclear weapons globally and prevent their use by states and nonstate actors runs parallel with the need to maintain certain nuclear capabilities and the intellectual assets that support them. Both tracks present long- term challenges that, to be managed, will require sustained effort by talented and dedicated professionals. The Project on Nuclear Issues (PONI) seeks to help improve the effectiveness of U.S. nuclear strategy and policy through professional development and networking activities that target the next generation of leaders in the fi eld. PONI maintains an enterprise- wide membership base; hosts four major conferences and several smaller events each year; maintains an online blog; holds live debates on critical nuclear weapons issues; runs a six- month academic program for young experts; organizes bilateral exchanges involving young experts from the United States and abroad; and distributes regular news and event announcements to members. More information can be found at www .csis .org /isp /poni . © 2014 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. ISBN: 978- 1- 4422- 2797- 2 (pb); 978- 1- 4422- 2798- 9 (eBook)
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Nuclear Scholars Initiative A Collection of Papers from the 2013 Nuclear Scholars Initiative EDITOR Sarah Weiner AUTHORS Isabelle Anstey Lee Aversano Jessica Bufford Nilsu Goren Jana Honkova Graham W. Jenkins Phyllis Ko Rizwan Ladha Jarret M. La fl eur David K. Lartonoix Adam Mount Mira Rapp- Hooper Alicia L. Swift David Thomas Timothy J. Westmyer Craig J. Wiener Lauren Wilson January 2014
Sid Harth
Russia K-141 Kursk: The Oscar II class sub sank in the Barents Sea on August 12, 2000 after an explosion in the torpedo compartment. See Kursk submarine disaster. All 118 men on board were lost. However, all except the extreme bow section was later salvaged. K-159: The hulk of the decommissioned Soviet-era November class submarine sank in the Barents Sea on August 28, 2003, when a storm ripped away the pontoons necessary to keep it afloat under tow. 9 men perished in the accident.
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Soviet Union List of sunken nuclear submarines is located in Northwestern Federal District K-27 K-27 K-141 K-141 K-159 K-159 The location of sunken nuclear submarines in the Arctic K-27: The only Project 645 submarine, it was irreparably damaged by a reactor accident (control rod failure) on May 24, 1968. 9 were killed in the reactor accident. After shutting down the reactor and sealing the compartment, the Soviet Navy scuttled her in shallow water (108 ft (33 m)) in the Kara Sea on September 6, 1982,[1] contrary to the recommendation of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).[2] K-8: A Project 627 November class submarine was lost April 11, 1970 while being towed in rough seas following a fire on board. The submarine was initially evacuated, but 52 reembarked for the towing operation. All hands on board were lost (52), while 73 crewmen survived on the rescue vessel.[1] Location: Bay of Biscay, 490 kilometres (260 nmi) northwest of Spain in the North Atlantic Ocean. K-219: A Project 667A Yankee I class sub was damaged by a missile explosion October 3, 1986, then sank suddenly while being towed after all surviving crewmen had transferred off. 6 crew members were killed. Location: 950 kilometres (510 nmi) east of Bermuda in the North Atlantic Ocean. K-278 Komsomolets: The only Mike-class sub built sank due to a raging fire April 7, 1989. All but 5 crewmen evacuated prior to sinking. 42 perished, many from smoke inhalation and exposure to the cold waters of the Barents Sea. A total of 27 crew members survived. Soviet submarine K-429 sank twice, but was raised after each incident.
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United States Thresher (SSN-593), the first submarine in its class, sank April 10, 1963 during deep-diving trials after flooding, loss of propulsion, and an attempt to blow the emergency ballast tanks failed, causing it to exceed crush depth. All 129 men on board died. Location: 350 km (190 nmi) east of Cape Cod. Scorpion (SSN-589), a Skipjack-class submarine, sank May 22, 1968, evidently due to implosion upon reaching its crush depth. What caused the Scorpion to descend to its crush depth is not known. All 99 men on board died. Location: 740 kilometres (400 nmi) southwest of the Azores.
Sid Harth
List of sunken nuclear submarines From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia See also: Nuclear submarine accidents Eight nuclear submarines have sunk as a consequence of either accident or extensive damage: two from the United States Navy, four from the Soviet Navy, and two from the Russian Navy. Only three were lost with all hands: two from the United States Navy and one from the Russian Navy. All sank as a result of accident with the exception of K-27, which was scuttled in the Kara Sea when repair was deemed impossible and decommissioning too expensive. All of the Soviet/Russian submarines belonged to the Northern Fleet. Although the Soviet submarine K-129 (Golf II) carried nuclear ballistic missiles when it sank, it was a diesel-electric submarine and is not in the list below. List of sunken nuclear submarines is located in North Atlantic Thresher Thresher Scorpion Scorpion K-8 K-8 K-219 K-219 K-278 K-278 The location of sunken nuclear submarines in the Atlantic Of the 8 sinkings, 2 were due to fires, 2 were due to explosions of weapons systems, 1 was due to flooding, 1 was weather-related, and 1 was sunk intentionally due to a damaged nuclear reactor. In 1 case, the cause of sinking is unknown. All of the subs are in the Northern Hemisphere, and there are none in either the Indian or Pacific

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Sid Harth13120

In Japan, Modi's reply to a simple question about Indian Navy, air and military objectives waS; 'We are peaceful nation...' So peaceful that we break internation laws in putting nuclear technology for military, hence, massive destruction usage.

Is Modi ready for my previous, direct, question? Needless to say, Modi is busy doing his election campaigns in Jharkhand, of all the places on this good earth.

Punish the leaders who plundered Jharkhand: PM Modi tells voters

Bunch of idiots, U2 manoharrao Parrikarji> Do something nice for a change. Take sanyas.

...and I am Sid Harth
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Sid Harth13120

1945
The U. S. Navy took two Type XXI and a handful of Japanese boats for study, and applied some lessons-learned to a fleet upgrade dubbed "Greater Underwater Propulsive Power" (GUPPY).



Fifty-two boats were modified: snorkels were added, guns removed, the superstructures streamlined, and battery-power greatly increased. Another nineteen boats received some improvements. The net result: greatly increased underwater speed and endurance.
1946
Dr. Philip Abelson proposed a marriage of the Walter hull form with a nuclear power plant. The Navy detailed eight engineers to the home of the Atomic Bomb, Oak Ridge, Tennessee, to see what might be developed.


1947
Testing some newly-discovered peculiarities concerning the transmission of sound in the open ocean, a U. S. submarine was able to detect a destroyer at a distance of 105 miles and hear depth-charges exploding 600 miles away. This, and other research, led to the development of a deep-ocean array of hydrophones called SOSUS. One of the earliest installations could detect a snorkeling submarine at 500 miles.
1948
The U. S. Navy began experimenting with submarine-launched missiles, starting with a copy of the German V-1 buzz bomb.


Loon was tracked by radar and command-controlled from the submarine. However, erection of the launching ramp and preparation of the missile kept the submarine on the surface for five minutes; therefore, a hand-off control system was developed, whereby another submarine, 80 miles downrange, could take over for the last 55 miles of missile flight.

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1950
The Soviet Union moved to regain status as operator of the world's largest submarine fleet: over the following eight years, they built 235 "Whiskey" class, using the Type XXI as a template.

1950
"Pickerel" ran from Hong Kong to Pearl Harbor – twenty-one days, 5,194 miles, on snorkel.


1950
One of the officers detailed to Oak Ridge in 1946 assumed control of the Navy nuclear propulsion program (and kept control, until finally retired in 1982). Captain Rickover was a submariner and an engineer, with a passion for safety and an obsession for control. He was brilliant, and difficult – and made nuclear power a reality, not just in submarines, but in many major surface warships as well.



Sid Harth13120

1945
Just as with WWI, there was only one verified German submarine atrocity. In March, 1944, a U-boat commander, on his first combat mission, ordered his crew to kill all survivors of "Peleos" and try to pulverize all floating wreckage with hand-grenades. His motive: to hide the sinking from patrolling aircraft and thus conceal his own presence in the area. He, and two of his officers (who claimed they were only "following orders") were convicted and executed.


1945
Karl Doenitz, who started the war as commander of submarines, became Navy Chief of Staff in January, 1943, and ended the war as Hitler's chosen successor as Chief of State – even though he had never been a member of the Nazi Party. Hitler committed suicide on April 30; Doenitz assumed command on May 1 – and issued "cease fire" orders on May 3.

The 1945 Nuremberg War Crimes tribunal brought Doenitz up on charges, especially for "breeches of the international law of submarine warfare" for authorizing and encouraging unrestricted operations. The best witness in his defense: U. S. Admiral Chester Nimitz, who acknowledged that the United States Navy had authorized unrestricted operations against Japan, throughout the Pacific ocean area, from the first days of the war.

Nonetheless, Doenitz was sentenced to ten years imprisonment for being "fully prepared to wage war"– a specious charge, in the eyes of most observers; any military force should always be thus prepared. Most observers believed that he was being tried as a stand-in for the unavailable Adolph Hitler.
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Sid Harth13120

JAPAN: Japanese submarines had great success early in the war, especially in the Indian Ocean area. However, the tide of battle began to turn with the Allied invasion of Guadalcanal in August, 1942, and Japanese submarines were pulled off combat duty and assigned to carry vital supplies to beleaguered troops or to pull troops out of failing campaigns. The Japanese built submarine landing ships; the Japanese Army built twenty eight cargo submarines.

Japanese submarines scored a few important victories – the carriers "Yorktown" and "Wasp," and the last American surface warship sunk, the cruiser "Indianapolis" in late July, 1945; overall, however, they sank only about one-fifth as many ships as did the American submarine force.

On the last day of the Pacific war, Japan had only 33 submarines in commission (excluding midgets), seven of which were in the training command. Except for the midgets, the submarine force had become irrelevant.
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Sid Harth13120

1944
The largest ship ever sunk by a submarine: the brand-new aircraft carrier "Shinano," 71,890 tons, November 28, by the U. S. submarine "Archerfish."


1945
The first Type XXIII went on war patrol in February. By the end of the European war – May 7 – six were in service, 53 were in the water, and 900 were under construction or on order.

The first Type XXI, U-2511, left Hamburg on war patrol on April 30; when she returned home to surrender, 30 Type XXI were in shakedown and training, 121 were in the water and another 1000 were under construction or on order.



U-3008, one of only two Type XXI U-boats to make a wartime patrol – albeit brief, as the war ended en route.



For some, the war ended too soon. With more hope than sense, Germany had more than 1,900 Type XXI and Type XXIII under construction or on order on the last day of the European war.

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1945
Germany's largest U-boat, the 1,700 ton Type XB minelayer U-234 – was at sea when the war ended, and surrendered in mid-ocean to an American destroyer escort. Her original destination had been Japan; her cargo included two complete ME-262 jet fighters (disassembled in crates, but with complete technical data) and 550 kilograms of Uranium 235 (or Uranium oxide -- sources differ), packed in lead containers. The reason the uranium was being sent to Japan has never been determined – or, at least, revealed.




1945
SCORECARD

GERMANY U-boats claimed 14.4 million tons, but Germany lost 821 U-boats. Allied aircraft were responsible for (or directly involved in) the loss of 433; surface ships, 252; mines, 34; accidents 45, submarines 25 (only one of which happened when both hunter and victim were submerged); unknown, 15, scuttled by their own crews, 14; interned in neutral ports, 2; sunk by shore battery, 1.

UNITED STATES: American submarines sank at least 1300 Japanese ships, 5.3 million tons, including one battleship, eight carriers, eleven cruisers and 180 smaller warships. The U. S. Navy lost 52 boats; 22 percent of the submarine personnel who went on patrol did not return. It was the highest casualty rate of any branch of service– but not as high as that of the German submarine force, which lost an astonishing 630 men out of every 1,000 who served in the U-boat fleet.

SOVIET RUSSIA: The Soviets started the war with the largest submarine fleet: 218. They added 54 and lost 109. They did not have much impact on the course of the war. However, S-13 was credited with the single greatest disaster in maritime history: the 1945 sinking of the German liner "Wilhelm Gustloff," engaged in an effort to get German soldiers out of the path of the advancing Red Army. There may have been more than 8,000 troops and civilians aboard; fewer than 1,000 were rescued.
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Sid Harth13120

Seehund is a German word for Seadog censored whole comment. Idiots!
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Sid Harth13120

English word 'suicide' found objectionable and whole comment was censored
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Sid Harth13120

1944
Japan fielded the "Kaiten" torpedo, incorporating elements of the 24-inch, 40-knot version of the "Long Lance" with a control compartment into which the pilot was locked. Range: not more than five hours, no matter what. "Kaiten" were carried into battle by I-class submarines; the record is ambiguous. A fairly large number of "Kaiten" were sent into action; one American tanker and a small landing ship were sunk, perhaps also a destroyer escort, and two transports were damaged
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Sid Harth13120

1944
In a reprise of the "Deutschland" efforts of World War I to move high-priority cargo through the blockade, the Japanese cargo-carrying I-52 (356 feet long, cruising range of 27,000 miles at 12 knots) was sent from Indonesia with a cargo of ruber, tin, opium, quinine, tungsten, molybdenum and 2 metric tons of gold bullion, bound for Nazi-occupied France.

Allied radio intercepts had pin-pointed a mid-ocean rendezvous with U-530, to transfer a coast pilot, a radar technician and some new radar equipment to assist I-52 in running the Allied gauntlet. Sunk on June 23, 1944, by an aircraft from the jeep-carrier USS BOGUE, I-52 was discovered in May, 1995 -- lying under 17,000 feet of water.


1944
The American verison of code-breaking, dubbed the "Pacific Ultra," allowed the fleet to plot Japanese merchant convoys in advance – no need for long open-ocean hunting expeditions. U. S. submarine production was scaled back radically early in the year – the already-existing submarine force was running out of targets. With perhaps 140 submarines operating in the Pacific, the U. S. Navy submarines sank more than 600 Japanese ships, 2.7 million tons – more than for the years 1941, 1942 and 1943 combined.

As the targets disappeared, many submarines were assigned to picket duty to rescue downed aviators making B-29 raids on Japan, or anyone else who happened along. A total of 540 were hauled aboard – including the youngest pilot in the U. S. Navy, Lt(jg) George H. W. Bush.
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Sid Harth13120

construction was quickly phased out in favor of Type XXI and Type XXIII.
1943
Hoping to hide existing U-boats from the increasingly devastating air patrols, Germany perfected an idea that had been kicking around for a long time: use of a breathing tube to allow running on diesel power just below the surface, thus also keeping the batteries fully charged. They dubbed it the "snorkel." It was not a perfect solution: the tube could break if the boat was going too fast; the ball-float at the top would close if a wave passed over, thus shifting engine suction to the interior of the boat and occasionally popping a few eardrums. The snorkel also left a visible wake, and returned a pretty good radar blip. But it helped.

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1943
The Germans underestimated the industrial capacity of the United States. The prediction against which "Tonnage War" was by then being waged was that the 1943 ship-production of Great Britain and the U. S. together would be less than 8 million tons. The U. S. alone launched more than double that figure.

The Germans also underestimated the ability of the Allies to develop and implement highly-effective anti submarine weapons and tactics. During the year, the U. S. Navy established anti-submarine "Hunter-Killer" groups, centered on the small, "Jeep" carrier. Long-range aircraft, such as the B-24 adapted for anti-submarine efforts, went into service. Among other efforts, they put an end to the "Milk Cow." The rendezvous were too easy to spot by air patrol. Of nine Type XIV in service in June, 1943, seven had been sunk by August.

Also operational: the "hedgehog"– so-called because the array of twenty-four 65-pound projectiles looked like the bristles of a porcupine. Launched 230 yards in front of the surface warship, the projectiles would cover a 100-foot circle, and explode on contact. The wepaon proved to be highly effective.

By the end of May, 1943, the Germans had clearly lost the Battle of the Atlantic. In that month alone, 41 U-boats were sunk – 25 percent of current operational strength. Things got worse: in the last four months of the year, almost 5,000 ships sailed in Atlantic convoys; nine were lost. Sixty-two U-boats were destroyed.
1944
In June, a Hunter-Killer group became the first American force to capture an enemy warship on the high seas since the War of 1812. The Type IX boat, U-505, was forced to the surface by depth charges; quick action by a boarding party saved the boat from being scuttled by the crew. U-505 is now a permanent exhibit at Chicago's Museum of Science and Industry. In a small quirk of fate, it is only several dozen miles from the wreckage of the World War I UC-97.
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Sid Harth13120

1942
Technological advances such as improved radar, the radar altimeter, the aircraft searchlight, and effective air-dropped depth charges began to enter the force. Before long, aircraft were accounting for 50 percent of all U-boat sinkings.


1942
By the end of the year, with the U-boat fleet clearly in trouble, Hitler authorized the design of a fully combat-capable Walter-cycle 1,600 ton U-boat, designated Type XVIII. Two prototypes were ordered. However, it was soon obvious that there was not enough time – or money – to turn this dream into reality. The design was converted into a conventionally-powered submarine – diesel on the surface, batteries for submerged running – and the rather large space intended for storage of the Perhydrol was given over to an extra-large bank of batteries.

Two classes were ordered: the 1,600-ton Type XXI, and a coastal version, the 230-ton XXIII. Type XXI had only half the range of the comparable Type IX, could manage bursts of 17 knots underwater (compared with 7 knots), dive to almost 1,000 feet (300 feet deeper), and remain totally submerged at economical creep speed for 11 days. With a sophisticated fire control system the Type XXI could launch an attack from a depth of 150 feet.

Type XXIII had twice the submerged speed and five times the underwater endurance of the small pre-war Type II. However, combat effectiveness was severely limited: two torpedoes, no reloads. All other submarine
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Sid Harth13120

1942
The "Battle of the Atlantic" began in July, and continued for eleven months; the U-boats scored some 712 merchant victims. Ships were being sunk at more than twice the replacement rate, and new U-boats were joining the fleet at a rate of about one a day. Also in July, the Germans began deployment of a mid-ocean filling station. The Type XIV boat had a capacity for 700 tons of fuel and other supplies, rather than armaments. Dubbed the "Milk Cow," one could keep a dozen Type VII at sea for another month, or five Type IX for two months.
1942
On September 13, in what may be the most spectacular – albeit unplanned – submarine event of all time, the Japanese I-19 launched a spread of six torpedoes at the aircraft carrier "Wasp." Three hit, sinking the ship. The others continued running for twelve miles, into another task group, where one caused fatal damage to the destroyer "O'Brien" and other send the battleship "North Carolina" to the shipyard for two months. The sixth cruised on, into the unknown.
1942
Technological advances such as improved radar, the radar altimeter, the aircraft searchlight, and effective air-dropped depth charges began to enter the force. Before long, aircraft were accounting for 50 percent of all U-boat sinkings.
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Sid Harth13120

1942
Japan began construction of the 5,223-ton I-400 class of submarine aircraft carrier, each of which carried three dive-bomber seaplanes. Designed for attacks against the Panama Canal and the West Coast of the United States. Twelve were planned; only two were built, and did not see any useful service.

Japanese submarines also made some attacks on the West Coast, lobbing shells at Santa Monica, California, and Astoria, Oregon. The attacks had minor effect, although Radio Tokyo gloated, "Americans know that the submarine shelling of the Pacific coast was a warning to the nation that the paradise created by George Washington is on the verge of destruction."
1942
Doenitz had hoped to send a blitzkrieg of U-boats against the East Coast of America, but Hitler, fearful of an Allied invasion of Norway, forced him to keep most of his assets closer to home. Nonetheless, he managed to get five long-range cruisers into position in January – where they found the whole coastline lit up like Times Square on New Year's Eve: no blackouts, all navigational aids aiding, all ships sailing with full navigational lights. It was high tourist season in Miami and the war was 3000 miles away; the northward-flowing Gulf Stream just a few miles offshore kept southward-bound ships close inshore, nicely silhouetted against a glowing Florida skyline. The score for two and a half months in American coastal waters: 98 ships. Coastal communities did not go under blackout until April.
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Sid Harth13120

Sanghi_Bhangis make no secret of their hatred of the so called Western imperialism, aka culture. Not one day goes by without these morons talking nonsense about how India was the first nation that invented--hold your breath, atom bomb, numeral zero, outside-womb human firtilization, rockets, pickpockets, and monkeys burning golden capital of 'dashanan' Lanka. Monkey-god bringing whole mountain instead of a magical medicinal-plant. It never stops. Try yourself.
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Sid Harth13120

In all navies, senior management did not give credence to reports coming in from the fleet. The submariners themselves – who, after all, had the most to gain, or lose – continued to complain until someone took notice, or conducted their own indisputable tests. Amazing to note: some of these problems were hold-overs from World War I, and others were well known – but not well dealt-with – in the 1930s. The German problems were resolved toward the end of 1940.

As for the U. S. Navy: before the problems had been discovered, and fixed, an effort which took the first two years of the war, almost 4,000 torpedoes had been fired against the enemy – with marginal results. On one patrol "Halibut" fired 23 torpedoes; only one exploded (although one of the targets was sunk when the torpedo punched a hole through rusting hull plates). The U. S. score for all of 1942, 180 ships, 725,000 tons (about equal to a monthly U-boat total). The Japanese replaced 635,000 tons in the same period. As far as the undersea forces were concerned, it looked like it was going to be a long war.
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Sid Harth13120

1941
On the first day of the war, 28 submarines of the U. S. Asiatic Fleet were in defensive positions around the Philippines. More submarines than the entire German U-boat fleet at the beginning of World War I; indeed, more submarines than had ever been assembled for one battle at the same time. They might as well have been in San Diego.

For the losing three-week Philippine campaign, with potential targets including seventy-six loaded transports and supply ships, the Americans averaged only two attacks per submarine, and sank only three Japanese ships. Only one American submarine was lost.

That is not meant as a compliment. Pre-war training had emphasized caution: "It is bad practice and is contrary to submarine doctrine," noted an official report of 1941, "to conduct an attack at periscope depth when aircraft are known to be in the vicinity." Of more significance: problems with torpedo supply, and design. As for supply: 1941 torpedo production was limited to 60 a month. For all of 1942, even with a war well underway, total production was 2,382. Submarine commanders, already too cautious, were cautioned not to waste their precious ammunition. For the year, they shot 2,010.

As for design: the Americans, British, Russians and Germans all had similar problems with their torpedoes. The depth settings were wrong; the fuses were inadequate; the torpedoes did not explode on contact. Example: during one period in 1940, U-boats launched four attacks on a battleship, 14 on cruisers, ten on destroyers, and ten on transports – with one transport sunk. The leading U-boat ace complained, "I cannot be expected to fight with a dummy rifle."
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Sid Harth13120

I need not repeat my own citations over Modi's moribund economic and foreign policies. Both, according to Modi-bhajan mandali, are doing just fine. that being clearly obvious from the comments section-wisdom, let us just keep silent? Over my dead body.

WORLD SUBMARINE HISTORY TIMELINE
PART FOUR: 1941-2000

Prepared for NOVA by Captain Brayton Harris, USN (Retired)
Author, The Navy Times Book of Submarines: A Political, Social and Military History


 Everything looks nice on a piece of paper, especially on a newspaper. India is a big (poor) country with million-plus non military problems. Modi at helm proposing a strong (military-wise) nation is making suitable noises, here and there but has no idea, a firm plan or a structure to fulfil his so called 'vision.' Under the monetary and economic stress, as of today, tomorrow and thousands of tomorrows, how can he keep such falsehood floating? I am asking Parrikar, et al. Modi, U2.


Cold War Timeline. From 1945 to 1991, the Cold War dominated international affairs. The global competition between the United States and the Soviet Union took many forms. But overshading all was the threat of nuclear war.     Submarine & Cold War History        


Submarines have a long history before the Cold War began in the 1940s. The first American example was built during the Revolution, and the first successful sinking of a surface vessel by a submarine dates to the Civil War. However, the development of the nuclear-powered submarine in the 1950s by the United States and its incorporation into the strategic triad of defensive weapons altered global politics significantly, and its presence in the world's waters remains a powerful deterrent to nuclear warfare today.

Copyright © 2000, The National Museum of American History

...and I am Sid Harth

Of modi and Nuclear Technology Monster

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Revealed: how Israel offered to sell South Africa nuclear weapons

Exclusive: Secret apartheid-era papers give first official evidence of Israeli nuclear weapons
The secret military agreement signed by Shimon Peres and P W Botha
The secret military agreement signed by Shimon Peres, now president of Israel, and P W Botha of South Africa. Photograph: Guardian

Secret South African documents reveal that Israel offered to sell nuclear warheads to the apartheid regime, providing the first official documentary evidence of the state's possession of nuclear weapons.
The "top secret" minutes of meetings between senior officials from the two countries in 1975 show that South Africa's defence minister, PW Botha, asked for the warheads and Shimon Peres, then Israel's defence minister and now its president, responded by offering them "in three sizes". The two men also signed a broad-ranging agreement governing military ties between the two countries that included a clause declaring that "the very existence of this agreement" was to remain secret.
The documents, uncovered by an American academic, Sasha Polakow-Suransky, in research for a book on the close relationship between the two countries, provide evidence that Israel has nuclear weapons despite its policy of "ambiguity" in neither confirming nor denying their existence.
The Israeli authorities tried to stop South Africa's post-apartheid government declassifying the documents at Polakow-Suransky's request and the revelations will be an embarrassment, particularly as this week's nuclear non-proliferation talks in New York focus on the Middle East.
They will also undermine Israel's attempts to suggest that, if it has nuclear weapons, it is a "responsible" power that would not misuse them, whereas countries such as Iran cannot be trusted.
A spokeswoman for Peres today said the report was baseless and there were "never any negotiations" between the two countries. She did not comment on the authenticity of the documents.
South African documents show that the apartheid-era military wanted the missiles as a deterrent and for potential strikes against neighbouring states.
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The documents show both sides met on 31 March 1975. Polakow-Suransky writes in his book published in the US this week, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's secret alliance with apartheid South Africa. At the talks Israeli officials "formally offered to sell South Africa some of the nuclear-capable Jericho missiles in its arsenal".
Among those attending the meeting was the South African military chief of staff, Lieutenant General RF Armstrong. He immediately drew up a memo in which he laid out the benefits of South Africa obtaining the Jericho missiles but only if they were fitted with nuclear weapons.
The memo, marked "top secret" and dated the same day as the meeting with the Israelis, has previously been revealed but its context was not fully understood because it was not known to be directly linked to the Israeli offer on the same day and that it was the basis for a direct request to Israel. In it, Armstrong writes: "In considering the merits of a weapon system such as the one being offered, certain assumptions have been made: a) That the missiles will be armed with nuclear warheads manufactured in RSA (Republic of South Africa) or acquired elsewhere."
But South Africa was years from being able to build atomic weapons. A little more than two months later, on 4 June, Peres and Botha met in Zurich. By then the Jericho project had the codename Chalet.
The top secret minutes of the meeting record that: "Minister Botha expressed interest in a limited number of units of Chalet subject to the correct payload being available." The document then records: "Minister Peres said the correct payload was available in three sizes. Minister Botha expressed his appreciation and said that he would ask for advice." The "three sizes" are believed to refer to the conventional, chemical and nuclear weapons.
The use of a euphemism, the "correct payload", reflects Israeli sensitivity over the nuclear issue and would not have been used had it been referring to conventional weapons. It can also only have meant nuclear warheads as Armstrong's memorandum makes clear South Africa was interested in the Jericho missiles solely as a means of delivering nuclear weapons.
In addition, the only payload the South Africans would have needed to obtain from Israel was nuclear. The South Africans were capable of putting together other warheads.
Botha did not go ahead with the deal in part because of the cost. In addition, any deal would have to have had final approval by Israel's prime minister and it is uncertain it would have been forthcoming.
South Africa eventually built its own nuclear bombs, albeit possibly with Israeli assistance. But the collaboration on military technology only grew over the following years. South Africa also provided much of the yellowcake uranium that Israel required to develop its weapons.
The documents confirm accounts by a former South African naval commander, Dieter Gerhardt – jailed in 1983 for spying for the Soviet Union. After his release with the collapse of apartheid, Gerhardt said there was an agreement between Israel and South Africa called Chalet which involved an offer by the Jewish state to arm eight Jericho missiles with "special warheads". Gerhardt said these were atomic bombs. But until now there has been no documentary evidence of the offer.
Some weeks before Peres made his offer of nuclear warheads to Botha, the two defence ministers signed a covert agreement governing the military alliance known as Secment. It was so secret that it included a denial of its own existence: "It is hereby expressly agreed that the very existence of this agreement... shall be secret and shall not be disclosed by either party".
The agreement also said that neither party could unilaterally renounce it.
The existence of Israel's nuclear weapons programme was revealed by Mordechai Vanunu to the Sunday Times in 1986. He provided photographs taken inside the Dimona nuclear site and gave detailed descriptions of the processes involved in producing part of the nuclear material but provided no written documentation.
Documents seized by Iranian students from the US embassy in Tehran after the 1979 revolution revealed the Shah expressed an interest to Israel in developing nuclear arms. But the South African documents offer confirmation Israel was in a position to arm Jericho missiles with nuclear warheads.
Israel pressured the present South African government not to declassify documents obtained by Polakow-Suransky. "The Israeli defence ministry tried to block my access to the Secment agreement on the grounds it was sensitive material, especially the signature and the date," he said. "The South Africans didn't seem to care; they blacked out a few lines and handed it over to me. The ANC government is not so worried about protecting the dirty laundry of the apartheid regime's old allies."



Israel revelations resonate in global talks on establishing WMD-free zone

UN conference aimed at international non-proliferation is reportedly close to agreement


Israel's nuclear dealings with the apartheid regime in South Africa date back more than three decades but they continue to resonate in global talks in New York this week.
A UN conference aimed at bolstering and modernising the international non-proliferation regime is reportedly close to an agreement on measures aimed at a ban on nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East.
Those measures would include the calling of a conference on establishing a WMD-free zone by 2012, potentially involving Israel and Iran, and leading to further steps to provide mutual security guarantees if all parties agreed. A co-ordinator would be appointed by the UN to arrange that conference.
If the drafts circulating at the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) review conference are approved by the end of the week, it would mark a significant victory for Egypt and other Arab states who have long argued that Israel has not been subjected to the same pressure as Iran or Syria, despite its development of a secret nuclear arsenal. "Agreement on this issue is in sight. "Even in the whole conference does not agree on an action plan, the P5 [five permanent security council members] and the Arab states would continue to work on it," said Daryl Kimball, head of the Arms Control Association. "The Guardian's report about discussions between Israel and South Africa regarding nuclear [weapons] further reinforces the fact that Israel is outside the NPT and possesses nuclear weapons.
"The calls from other countries in the region, that Israel join the NPT, become all the more legitimate when such documentary evidence becomes available, and the steps being pursued at the NPT conference for pursuing a WMD-free zone become more relevant."
Israel is not a signatory to the 1968 NPT agreement, and is not taking part in the negotiations. But according to sources at the conference, the Obama administration held high-level discussions with Israel at the weekend to persuade it to go along with plans for the 2012 conference, on the understanding it would not be compromising its security. Although the apartheid regime is long dead, and its nemesis, the ANC, is in office, there are unanswered questions about the South African weapons programme. Documentation and equipment was destroyed before power was passed to a majority-elected government. When officials from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) were allowed into South Africa in 1993 to inspect the remnants, it was on condition they would not ask what countries had provided assistance. "We asked and we got few answers," Robert Kelley, of the IAEA, said. "It was like they pulled out an index card and read out a pre-prepared response."
David Albright, head of the Washington-based Institute for Science and International Security, said: "On the positive side, the fact that Israel stopped doing these illicit black market deals in the 1990s as a result of US pressure, shows that pressure works. We don't have to worry about Israeli proliferation anymore. What we want to see is that kind of pressure working on countries like Pakistan
"It also shows how critical this kind of assistance is to countries who are seeking to develop nuclear weapons. It shows they really need that help."



Israeli president denies offering nuclear weapons to apartheid South Africa

Shimon Peres dismisses claims relating to secret files but US researcher says denials are disingenuous
Shimon Peres (left) with Ariel Sharon
Shimon Peres (left), whose office says Israel has never negotiated the exchange of nuclear weapons with South Africa, pictured with Ariel Sharon in Egypt in 1975. Photograph: Keystone/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Israel's president, Shimon Peres, today robustly denied revelations in the Guardian and a new book that he offered to sell nuclear weapons to apartheid South Africa when he was defence minister in the 1970s.
His office said "there exists no basis in reality" for claims based on declassified secret South African documents that he offered nuclear warheads for sale with ballistic missiles to the apartheid regime in 1975. "Israel has never negotiated the exchange of nuclear weapons with South Africa. There exists no Israeli document or Israeli signature on a document that such negotiations took place," it said.
But Sasha Polakow-Suransky, the American academic who uncovered the documents while researching a book on the military and political relationship between the two countries, said the denials were disingenuous, because the minutes of meetings Peres held with the then South African defence minister, PW Botha, show that the apartheid government believed an explicit offer to provide nuclear warheads had been made.
Polakow-Suransky noted that Peres did not deny attending the meetings at which the purchase of Israeli weapons systems, including ballistic missiles, was discussed. "Peres participated in high level discussions with the South African defence minister and led the South Africans to believe that an offer of nuclear Jerichos was on the table," he said. "It's clear from the documentary record that the South Africans perceived that an explicit offer was on the table. Four days later Peres signed a secrecy agreement with PW Botha."
While Peres's office said there are no documents with his signature on that mention nuclear weapons, his signature does appear with Botha's on an agreement governing the broad conduct of the military relationship, including a commitment to keep it secret.
Today politicians and academics in South Africa said the apartheid regime's cooperation with Israel was an "open secret" and they welcomed the current government's move to declassify sensitive documents which provided details of key meetings.
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Steven Friedman, the director of Centre for the Study of Democracy at Rhodes University and the University of Johannesburg, said: "There was a close cooperation on a range of issues. In the 1970s and 1980s there was a sudden influx of Israeli nuclear scientists. We knew there was extensive military cooperation."
Professor Willie Esterhuyse, who played a critical role in opening and maintaining dialogue between the apartheid government and the ANC, said: "Most of us knew there was close cooperation on nuclear research with not just Israel but also the French. But we had no factual evidence. We eventually figured out it was more than just rumours, but we never knew the precise details."
Opposition politicians praised the post-apartheid government for resisting attempts by the Israeli authorities to prevent the documents from becoming public. David Maynier, the shadow defence minister, speculated that the ANC government had decided it would not be damaged by releasing the documents.
"It did not take me entirely by surprise, because I think it was a pretty open secret there was extensive cooperation between South Africa and Israel. But before now the details were super-secret," he said.
The South African documents obtained by Polakow-Suransky and published in today's Guardian, include "top secret" South African minutes of meetings between senior officials from the two countries as well as direct negotiations in Zurich between Peres and Botha.
The South African military chief of staff, Lieutenant General RF Armstrong, who attended the meetings, drew up a memo laying out the benefits of South Africa obtaining the Israeli missiles – but only if they were fitted with nuclear weapons.
Polakow-Suransky said the minutes record that at the meeting in Zurich on 4 June 1975, Botha asked Peres about obtaining Jericho missiles, codenamed Chalet, with nuclear warheads.
"Minister Botha expressed interest in a limited number of units of Chalet subject to the correct payload being available," the minutes said. The document then records that: "Minister Peres said that the correct payload was available in three sizes".
The use of a euphemism, the "correct payload", reflects Israeli sensitivity over the nuclear issue. Armstrong's memorandum makes clear the South Africans were interested in the Jericho missiles solely as a means of delivering nuclear weapons.
The use of euphemisms in a document that otherwise speaks openly about conventional weapons systems also points to the discussion of nuclear weapons.
In the end, South Africa did not buy nuclear warheads from Israel and eventually developed its own atom bomb.
The Israeli authorities tried to prevent South Africa's post-apartheid government from declassifying the documents.
Peres's angry response to the revelations is unusual, because of Israel's policy of maintaining "ambiguity" about whether it possesses nuclear weapons. The Israeli press quoted anonymous government officials challenging the truth of the documents.
Polakow-Suransky said it is possible Peres made the offer without the approval of Israel's then prime minister, Yitzhak Rabin. "Peres has a long history of conducting his own independent foreign policy. During the 1950s as Israel was building its defence relationship with France, Peres went behind the back of many of his superiors in initiating talks with French defence officials. It would not be surprising if he broached the topic in discussions with South Africa's defence minister without Rabin's authorisation," he said.
Polakow-Suransky's book, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa, is published in the US on Tuesday.

Politician at heart of Israel

Shimon Peres, the man at centre of allegations over nuclear links with apartheid South Africa, has spent decades in government in various cabinet posts, including defence and foreign, as prime minister and now as Israel's president.
Born in Poland in 1923, he and his family moved to Palestine under the British mandate when he was 11. Many of his relatives were murdered in the Holocaust.
In 1947, he joined the Haganah, the Jewish force fighting for Israeli independence. He was placed in charge of personnel and arms purchases.
He Peres rose quickly through the political world in the years immediately after independence, becoming Ddirector general, at 30, of the defence ministry. In the following years, he played a leading role in building strategic alliances and developing arms deals. One of the most important early on was with France, which played a crucial role in the development of Israel's nuclear programme. Later, as relations with Paris cooled, he was at the forefront of building links with apartheid South Africa.
Peres was first elected to the Knesset in 1959. He persistently challenged Yitzhak Rabin for the Labour party leadership, only becoming leader in 1977 after Rabin was forced out over his wife's illegal foreign bank account. He became the unofficial acting prime minister but lost the subsequent general election.
Peres, as foreign minister, won the Nobel peace prize in 1994 with Rabin and Yasser Arafat for the negotiations that produced the Oslo accords.
After Rabin's assassination in 1995, he became PM and lost the subsequent election. In 2005, he quit Labour to back Ariel Sharon's new Kadima party. Two years later, the Knesset elected Peres president. Peres married Sonya Gelman in 1945. They have three children.

 Source: Guardian

...and I am Sid Harth

In Modi's India, Bully-Justice

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In Modi's India, Bully-Justice India News Jailed India Analyst ...

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16 hours ago - In Modi's India, Bully-Justice India News Jailed India Analyst Is Freed on Bail By Geeta Anand Dec. 15, 2014 4:37 a.m. ET GURGAON, India—An Indian research ...

Jailed India Analyst Is Freed on Bail


GURGAON, India—An Indian research analyst has been released from jail where he was being held on complaints filed more than two years ago by one of India’s biggest property and financial-services companies after he co-authored a negative report on the company.
Nitin Mangal Neeraj Monga
Nitin Mangal, who until this year worked for Veritas Investment Research Corp. was held for more than two weeks after property and finance conglomerate Indiabulls said the report published by Veritas more than two years ago questioning its corporate governance was full of lies and was used for extortion purposes.
Mr. Mangal said the report was based on public information, was accurate and wasn’t used for extortion.
“I’ve been honest all my life, and I never thought I’d land in jail,” said Mr. Mangal, in an interview Monday, after being released Friday from the jail in Gurgaon, a suburb of New Delhi. “Those 12 days were like 12 years.”
Mr. Mangal posted bail of 50,000 rupees, or $833, and he has been ordered to reappear in court in Gurgaon for a hearing on Feb. 26. He could still face charges if police decide there is enough evidence in the case. If charged and convicted, Mr. Mangal faces a maximum sentence of 10 years in jail.
Human-rights advocates and an investor-advocacy group have denounced the arrest, saying it could dampen criticism of companies on India’s stock market, which some investors say needs more scrutiny.
The day the report was made publicly available, Aug. 8, 2012, Indiabulls filed criminal police complaints in two cities, Mumbai and Gurgaon, where two group companies are located. In early 2013, a Mumbai court granted Mr. Mangal anticipatory bail, or protection from arrest, on the allegations in the police complaint, which include extortion, criminal intimidation and defamation, and the investigation appeared to grind to a halt.
But on Nov. 25 this year Mr. Mangal was arrested by police in Gurgaon, where he had not been granted anticipatory bail. He was held in police custody for six days, and was then in jail for 12. A magistrate court in Gurgaon initially denied him bail on Dec. 1, noting Indiabulls opposed his release, but another court granted him bail last Thursday, and he was released the next evening.
The Thursday move came after Indiabulls dropped its opposition to his release while police determine whether they will file charges in court.
In India, people can be arrested and jailed based on police complaints that are considered serious, even if no charges have been filed.



Sinchan Mitra

Truly amazing that Indian media hasn't even covered this story - although normally they pretend to be concerned about every kind of injustice and shout and scream at trivial things at the slightest provocation. The corporate control over Indian media is nearly absolute. I cannot remember a single story based on corporate wrongdoing in Indian media, based on real investigative journalism. They literally genuflect in front of money and corporations in a way that would shame WSJ, a business friendly newspaper.

 Source: WSJ

..and I am Sid Harth

Modi's Development B Damned

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Modi's Development B Damned Opinion » Comment ...

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16 hours ago - Modi's Development B Damned Opinion » Comment December 16, 2014 Updated: December 16, 2014 01:56 IST Damned by development Kavita Upadhyay in ...

Opinion» Comment

Updated: December 16, 2014 01:56 IST

Damned by development

Kavita Upadhyay

  
“Residents blamed muck deposition from the Srinagar hydroelectric project for raising the Alaknanda river bed, which flooded the downstream areas of the town.” Picture shows soldiers repairing a footbridge during the 2013 floods.
Reuters
“Residents blamed muck deposition from the Srinagar hydroelectric project for raising the Alaknanda river bed, which flooded the downstream areas of the town.” Picture shows soldiers repairing a footbridge during the 2013 floods.

Though the Union Environment Ministry acknowledges its damage, Uttarakhand’s hydroelectric project-driven development agenda remains unchanged

Chaaen, a village atop a hill in the picturesque Alaknanda Valley, is infamous for getting a hydroelectric project into trouble. I first visited the village last year while covering the worst flood disaster Uttarakhand had witnessed.
On June 26, 2013, as I stood at Narendra Singh’s verandah in Chaaen, I noticed how the walls had developed cracks and the verandah itself stood at a minor angle.
“The reason,” Narendra explained, “is that the land beneath is sinking. In 2007, the tunnel of the Vishnuprayag hydroelectric project (400 MW) that passes under the hill, on which Chaaen stands, had started leaking.”
Project authorities, however, denied any leakage.
The evidence of disaster was visible across the village — there were dried springs, perished agriculture and sinking land. And this was not the only village in the State where all this could be seen.
I learnt about the problems created by dams in Srinagar town, a part of which got buried as the Alaknanda River gushed past the area. The residents blamed muck deposition from the Srinagar hydroelectric project (330 MW) for raising the river bed, which eventually flooded the downstream areas of the town.
Local residents in every village I visited pointed an accusing finger at the dams being constructed as responsible for the massive floods. At Govindghat, residents complained about the damage to the Vishnuprayag hydroelectric project’s barrage. Kushal Singh Rawat, who lived a kilometre downstream of the barrage, recalled: “In Lambagar, the entire market... around 40 stores, agricultural land, vehicles, houses, a primary school, the Panchayat Bhawan... all got swept away.”
The State seems keen on building large hydroelectric projects to fulfil its lopsided development agenda
A year later, an ongoing case in the Supreme Court has brought back attention to questions of the viability of hydroelectric projects in Uttarakhand. In the most recent development, the Union Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) submitted an affidavit in the Supreme Court on December 5 accepting that the hydroelectric projects “aggravated the impact of floods.”
While the MoEFCC’s stance has been welcomed by environmentalists, it has delivered a blow to the Uttarakhand government and the companies building these projects as the State’s development agenda is linked to its capacity to generate hydroelectric power.
In the backdrop of the 2013 Uttarakhand flood, the Supreme Court had directed the Union Environment Ministry to constitute an expert body to assess whether hydroelectric projects, both those existing and those under construction, have contributed to the environmental degradation in the State and, if so, to what extent, and also whether it has contributed to the disaster.
In the same order, the Supreme Court also ordered the Ministry to examine whether the 24 projects mentioned by the Wildlife Institute of India in its report are causing significant impact on the biodiversity of Alaknanda and Bhagirathi river basins.
The expert body submitted its report — the Chopra Committee Report— to the MoEF in April this year. A member of the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) and another of the Central Water Commission (CWC), who disagreed with the expert body, submitted a separate report to the MoEF.
While the Chopra Committee report elucidated the catastrophic role played by the hydroelectric projects during the deluge, the CEA-CWC report mentioned there was “no link, direct or indirect, between the developments of hydroelectric projects with the Uttarakhand tragedy.”
In the December 5 affidavit, the MoEFCC dismissed the CEA-CWC report. The proceedings in the Supreme Court therefore are now based on the findings, observations, and recommendations of the Chopra Committee report.
What the report says

The Chopra Committee Report presents a strong case against projects between 2,200 and 2,500 metres above the sea level — paraglacial regions — which have loose glacial debris (moraines) which when carried downstream can be disastrous, as was witnessed in the Vishnuprayag project, during the 2013 deluge. Some of the projects among the 24 lie in the paraglacial regions.
The report states that intensive debris was brought to the hydropower projects along with the river water due to flash floods. The report quotes data from a geochemical analysis which shows significant presence of muck from the Srinagar project. According to the analysis, the muck from the dam site was present in a quantity that varied between 47 per cent near the dam site to 23 per cent in the downstream areas.
Though the CWC, the State, and the THDC (Tehri Hydro Development Corporation) officials claimed that the Tehri dam saved places such as Rishikesh and Hardwar from getting flooded during the deluge, the expert body states in its report that the Tehri dam has not been designed for the purpose of flood control and can retain water only up to their Full Reservoir Level (FRL). The report states that during the pre-monsoon time the reservoir has the capacity to retain the waters and save the downstream areas from getting flooded, but in the year 2010, the water levels had risen beyond the permitted FRL and the upstream areas like Chinyalisaur were inundated.
Skewed development agenda

Though the Union Environment Ministry acknowledges the damage caused by hydroelectric projects in its submission to the Supreme Court, the State’s hydroelectric project-driven development agenda has remained unchanged. “The State has planned an ambitious programme to develop 450 hydropower projects to harness its potential of 27,039 MW,” the Chopra Committee report states. So, the State seems keen on building large hydroelectric projects to fulfil its lopsided development agenda.
From the list of 24 projects, the discussion in the Supreme Court has now come down to six projects: Lata Tapovan (171 MW), Alaknanda Badrinath (300 MW), Kotlibhel 1A (195 MW), Jhelum Tamak (128 MW), Bhyundar Ganga (24.8 MW), and Khirao Ganga (4.5 MW) — and amidst all the development plans the issue of disaster mitigation has taken a back seat.
The hazards of the current project of dam building in Uttarakhand have already been laid out in several reports. It is unfortunate that the risks are known, but ignored by governments and companies building dams. It is hoped that the court will deliver justice now.
kavita.upadhyay@thehindu.co.in

SC tells Centre, Uttarakhand not to grant clearance for hydroelectric power projects

J. Venkatesan

Ministry of Environment and Forests directed to constitute an expert body to make detailed study

The Supreme Court has directed the Ministry of Environment and Forests as well as the State of Uttarakhand not to grant any further environmental clearance or forest clearance for any hydroelectric power projects in Uttarakhand until further orders.
A Bench of Justices K.S. Radhakrishnan and Dipak Misra gave this direction while expressing serious concern over the mushrooming of large number of hydroelectric projects in Uttarakhand and its impact on Alaknanda and Bhagirathi river basins.
Writing the judgment Mr. Justice Radhakrishnan said “We are also deeply concerned with the recent tragedy, which has affected the Char Dham area of Uttarakhand. Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology (WIG) recorded 350 mm of rain on June 15-16, 2013. Snowfall ahead of the cloudburst also has contributed to the floods resulting in the burst on the banks of Chorabari Lake near Kedarnath, leading to large scale calamity leading to loss of human lives and property. The adverse effect of the existing projects, projects under construction and proposed, on the environment and ecology calls for a detailed scientific study. Proper Disaster Management Plan, it is seen, is also not in place, resulting in loss of lives and property.”
The Bench quoting a study said “69 hydropower projects with a capacity of 9,020.30 MW are proposed in Bhagirathi and Alaknanda basins. This includes 17 projects which are operational with a capacity of 2,295.2 MW. In addition, 26 projects with a capacity of 3,261.3 MW (including 600 MW Lohari Nagpala hydropower project, work on which has been suspended by the Government decision) which were under construction, 11 projects with a capacity of 2,350 MW CEA/TEC clearances and 16 projects with a capacity of 1,673.8 MW under development. The implementation of the above 69 hydropower projects has extensive implications for other needs of this society and the river itself. It is noticed that the implementation of all the above projects will lead to 81 per cent of Bhagirathi and 65 per cent of Alaknanda getting affected.”
The Bench said “The cumulative impact of those project components like dams, tunnels, blasting, powerhouse, muck disposal, mining, deforestation etc. on eco-system, is yet to be scientifically examined.” Hence the Court issued a series of directions, viz. direction to the MoEF and to the State of Uttarakhand not to grant any further environmental clearance or forest clearance for any hydroelectric power project in the State until further orders; “MoEF is directed to constitute an expert body consisting of representatives of the State Government, WII, Central Electricity Authority, Central Water Commission and other expert bodies to make a detailed study as to whether Hydroelectric Power Projects existing and under construction have contributed to the environmental degradation, if so, to what extent and also whether it has contributed to the present tragedy occurred at Uttarakhand in June 2013; MoEF is directed to examine as to whether the proposed 24 projects are causing significant impact on the biodiversity of Alaknanda and Bhagirath river basins.
The Bench asked the Disaster Management Authority, Uttarakhand to submit a report to this Court as to whether they had any Disaster Management Plan in place and how effective that plan was for combating the present unprecedented tragedy in Uttarakhand.


Opinion» Lead

Updated: July 16, 2014 13:14 IST

Dams without responsibility

Meena Menon
Comment(19)   

Uttarakhand has to ensure that the quest for hydropower cannot come without a responsibility to preserve a region that is limping back to life.

The devastation in Uttarakhand had already happened much before the cataclysmic events of June 2013. The unprecedented rainfall and floods and loss of life drew attention to the alarming situation in a State known for its pristine forests and rivers. It also drew attention belatedly to the “bumper to bumper” dams in the mountains.
Construction on all dams in Uttarakhand was halted by the Supreme Court in August 2013 and on its instructions, the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) appointed an expert body which said that 23 hydropower projects out of the 24 it was asked to examine would have an irreversible impact on the biodiversity of the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi basins and should not be constructed.
In May, the Supreme Court reiterated its orders stopping work on the 24 hydropower projects examined by the body. While all this amounts to shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted, it is a measure of recognition of the man-made destruction wrought by unplanned hydel power projects in a sensitive and fragile ecosystem.
Endangering the Ganga

The body’s report said, “The problem with the dams is their location in a high or very high biodiversity value area, some of them at elevations above 2,200-2,500 metres. These altitudes come in the paraglacial and glacial zones and in these zones, the rivers are capable of mobilizing tremendous amounts of sediments, under intense rainfall conditions, from the moraine left behind in the past by receding glaciers. In such situations, they cause havoc in the vicinity of dams as witnessed at the Vishnuprayag barrage site and below during the June 2013 disaster.”
The State of Uttarakhand is a part of the Ganga basin and rivers suffer from several depradations apart from dams in high places, including extensive pollution from untreated sewage. Despite huge amounts of money being spent, plans to clean up the river have failed miserably. An IIT-led consortium has been set up to prepare a master plan for the National Ganga River Basin Authority (NGRBA), to restore its “wholesomeness,” as the extended summary of a draft Ganga River Basin Management plan says. Citing anthropogenic activities, it says dams and barrages have snapped her “longitudinal connectivity.”
While the recent Ganga Manthan event in Delhi attracted more than its fair share of sadhus, there were a few who spoke against dams and said that they were a threat to the river’s existence. But the focus was on keeping the river Ganga “aviral and nirmal” (continuous and unpolluted flow). Activists said only cleaning up the river will not restore it. Some pointed to the lack of studies of the entire river system and hydrological data which was a secret. Since the Ganga is glacier fed, the climate change impact in the Himalayan ecosystem and on the receding Gangotri and other glaciers are also of paramount importance.
In its report of March 2013, the Inter-Ministerial Group (IMG) on Issues Relating to River Ganga says that the development of new hydro power projects has an impact on the environment, the ecology, the biodiversity, both terrestrial and aquatic, and economic and social life. Crucially, it says that in the upper reaches of the river — where the oxygenating abilities of the river are the highest — there are growing signs of contamination. This suggests that even here, water withdrawal for hydroelectricity is endangering the health of the Ganga. Implementation of the 69 hydro power projects will lead to 81 per cent of the Bhagirathi and 65 per cent of the Alaknanda getting affected. The IMG had considered the need to have portions of the river free of hydro projects and recommended that six rivers should be kept in pristine form.
Cumulative impact

In the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi basins, the report said that 17 dams have been commissioned with a total installed capacity of 1,851 MW. Fourteen projects of 2,538 MW capacity are in different stages of construction and 39 projects with an installed capacity of 4,644 MW are in different stages of planning. The expert body report said that if all the 450 dams in the State are completed, about 252 projects will each have an installed capacity of 5MW or more. The vast majority of them will divert rivers through tunnels to power houses downstream. Their combined impact will affect the landscape of Uttarakhand. The environment management plans of individual projects do not address the cumulative impacts of multiple projects in a river valley.
With dams proposed on major rivers for every 20 to 25 kilometre stretch, large fragments of these rivers could be left with minimal flow as almost all the river water is extracted for producing hydroelectricity, the body’s report has said. Prof. Ravi Chopra, chairperson of the body said that tunnelling is also controversial and leads to damage with natural springs being diverted and homes developing cracks. The government has only looked at the need to generate power and not the impact on the environment. On field visits, the body noticed scarred landscapes, dry river beds and a complete disappearance of riverine ecosystems due to submergence at existing and under construction large hydropower projects such as Tehri Stage I and Koteshwar on the Bhagirathi basin and the Srinagar dam in the Alaknanda basin.
Deforestation

If all the dams are built, studies indicate a loss of biodiversity. A National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) report, quoted by the body, has highlighted the effect of the Tehri dam on the unique self-purifying ability of Gangajal. It attributed this property to river sediments; data indicated that the blocking of sediments behind the Tehri dam diminished this property.
Extensive deforestation and diversion of forest land too has posed problems. The body found that 80,826.91 hectares of forests have been diverted for non-forest use in Uttarakhand since 1980. The diversion for hydropower production is 5,312.11 ha. Most of the diversion for roads and hydropower has been in Uttarkashi, Rudraprayag, Chamoli and Pithoragarh districts, the areas most affected in the June 2013 disaster.
Hearings

People have been agitating against dams for years in the region, notably Tehri. In 2010-11, and for the first time for any project, there were three public hearings on the Devsari hydel project on the Pinder. After two hearings, the third one was accepted by the government, according to Vimalbhai of the Matu Jansangthan which led protests along with the Bhu-Swami Sangharsh Samiti. He says this was the first major protest after the ones against Tehri. A public hearing was also organised where many voiced their opposition to the dams and on the need to keep the undammed tributary of the Ganga that way. He referred to the pathetic status of the catchment area, and the lack of studies on water flows and climate change impacts. The people displaced by the Tehri dam are still to get land rights or basic amenities in their relocated homes, he added.
Local people who have borne the brunt of the devastation due to dams and floods and environmental groups have questioned the feasibility of dams. By all accounts there is cause for concern as reflected in many reports. Even as the Uttarakhand government proposes to approach the Supreme Court in a bid to get a green signal for dam construction, it must remember this. It has to ensure that the quest for hydropower cannot come without a responsibility to preserve a region that is limping back to life after a calamity aggravated by unplanned human interventions neither scientifically assessed nor endorsed by the people of the region.
meena.menon@thehindu.co.in


Modi's Kashmir Vote Bank Busted

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15 hours ago - Modi's Kashmir Vote Bank Busted J-K polls: Pandits' no-show may hit BJP's chances Aurangzeb Naqshbandi , Hindustan Times Srinagar, December 15, 2014 ...

J-K polls: Pandits’ no-show may hit BJP's chances

Aurangzeb Naqshbandi, Hindustan Times Srinagar, December 15, 2014
First Published: 23:30 IST(15/12/2014) | Last Updated: 01:21 IST(16/12/2014)
The low turnout of migrant Kashmiri Pandit voters in Sunday’s polling has cast a shadow on the BJP’s chances to register its first ever win in Kashmir valley, especially from Habba Kadal constituency.

There were a total of 16,710 Kashmiri Pandit voters in Habba Kadal out of which only 5,176 registered themselves in Jammu, Udhampur and Delhi. But in the end only 2,817 cast their votes at the three places.
This was much less than the 8,707 votes polled at various polling stations across the constituency.
Overall, the constituency with total voters of 54,852 witnessed a voting percentage of 21.01%, an increase of about 10 percentage points from 11.28 recorded in 2008 polls.
Banking on the Kashmiri Pandit votes and the boycott call being enforced by separatists, the BJP had fielded businessman Moti Koul from Habba Kadal.
The National Conference (NC) had given the ticket to its sitting legislator Shameema Firdous while the rival Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had fielded veteran journalist Zafar Mehraj. The other key contenders included Sanjay Saraf of the Lok Janshakti Party, an NDA constituent, and former minister Raman Mattoo of the Congress. The NC had retained the seat six times since 1962.
Before the assembly elections, the BJP had launched an extensive campaign to mobilise the Kashmiri Pandit voters and also announced an economic package for their safe return to the valley.
However, many Kashmiri Pandits told HT that the mobilisation campaign should have been started immediately after this summer’s Lok Sabha polls.
“We were also disappointed by BJP’s U-turn on Article 370 and other crucial issues,” a Kashmiri Pandit leader told HT on the condition of anonymity.
The increase in the voting percentage from Habba Kadal is widely being attributed to the anti-BJP sentiment prevailing in the Kashmir valley.
Surprisingly, the turnout of Kashmiri Pandit voters in Habba Kadal was even less than that recorded in other constituencies of the Srinagar city. While 837 out of 1355 cast their votes in Amira Kadal, 484 of 838 in Batamaloo, 236 out of 397 in Sonawar, 290 of 982 in Khanyar, 68 out of 155 in Idgah, 77 of 129 in Zadibal and 360 out of 605 in Hazratbal.
In all, there were 30,364 Kashmiri Pandit voters in eight assembly constituencies of Srinagar. Of those, 9638 had registered themselves in Jammu, Udhampur and Delhi while  5.169 cast votes on Sunday.




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It seems, BJP-brand 'vote bank' gone bankrupt. All their political life, Sangh Parivar made a big deal over minority votes going to parties, that promised them moon but failed in the end. Special packages for affected Kashmiri pandits, was totally wrong. In a fragile political and social context, picking and choosing the winners is a false philosophy. Kashmir needs communal peace and cooperation, not political handouts.
...and I am Sid Harth

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    If Kashmiri pundits cannot drag themselves out of bed and vote, who can help them?


    Source: HT
    ...and I am Sid Harth

On Christmas Day Modi's Stealth Hindutva

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15 hours ago - On Christmas Day Modi's Stealth Hindutva Govt backtracks, Xmas holiday on - Project online, if students wish so Basant Kumar Mohanty John Abraham at a ...

National» Other States

Updated: December 16, 2014 00:05 IST

Preparations for conversion event kept under wraps

Mohammad Ali
A day after the Aligarh administration banned their religious conversion programme on December 25, Hindutva groups leading the campaign seem to have rethought their strategy.
The venue of the Ghar vapsi programme may be shifted at the last minute to places such as Hathras, Eta and Bulandshahr, and the ban may be legally challenged too.
The Dharam Jagaran Samiti, an Agra-based RSS affiliate, had last week announced the “biggest ever” religious conversion of about 4,000 Christians and Muslims in Aligarh. Following the ban, most of the office-bearers of the samiti, including its area chief Rajeshwar Singh, have gone underground and the preparations have been kept under wraps. Organising the programme has become a matter of prestige and a rallying point for Hindutva groups which have come together and dared the local administration to stop it. Office-bearers of the Bajrang Dal, Hindu Yuva Vahini, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad and Dharam Jagaran Samiti met here on Sunday.
A new set of office-bearers have been announced as the existing names are on the intelligence radar.
The Hindutva outfit is ready with hundreds of affidavits which will be signed by people converting to Hinduism. The volunteers of DJS told The Hindu: “As a precautionary measure, we are ready with affidavits stating that the person is converting to Hinduism out of his/her own will and no inducement of any kind has been offered.” The final decision about the venue and further details are likely to be finalised in a week.
Amid the controversy, nobody has any idea who will be converted. Even the office-bearers of the DJS are tight-lipped about the identity of the people who will come into the Hindu fold.
According to Abhiram Goyal , convenor DJS, Aligarh, the volunteers are visiting villages on the outskirts of Aligarh, Agra, Bulandshahr which have minority Christian and Muslim population. “We will have some idea how many people have signed up for our Ghar vapsi programme in a week. By December 22, we will have the list of people and you can talk to them and find out for yourself that we are not forcing anybody,” Mr. Goyal maintained.


John Abraham at a Christmas event
for underprivileged children in New Delhi
on Monday. Picture by Ramakant Kushwaha
New Delhi, Dec. 15: Schoolchildren can enjoy their Christmas holiday, after all.
If they still want to take part in an online essay-writing contest, they are welcome to.
The government today climbed down from its move asking the centrally controlled CBSE and the Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti (NVS) to organise a host of events and observe Good Governance Day on December 25 that would have meant keeping schools open on a holiday.
In a press note, the HRD ministry pared down the list of activities - that included quiz contests, online and offline essay-writing competitions on topics related to good governance and screening of documentaries - to just online essays and even made that "completely voluntary".
The note also said December 25 would remain a holiday.
"This online essay competition is completely voluntary and the students if they so desire can participate from their homes.... There is no requirement for any school to remain open that day and the school vacations will be adhered to," the note said in response to media reports.
The climbdown came amid a raging controversy, with several academics and activists criticising the earlier decision to keep schools open on a day the world would celebrate Christ's birthday.
According to the now-scrapped decision, the NVS, which runs 600-odd free residential schools (JNVs), was to screen documentaries and films highlighting good governance and problem-solving on Christmas Day.
Students of schools affiliated to the CBSE - the country's largest school board - were expected to take part in essay-writing and one-act play contests on December 24 and 25.
The CBSE had not issued any circular to affiliated schools, but a letter from NVS commissioner G.S. Bothyal on December 10 made it clear what the activities should be.
"You are requested to ensure that Good Governance day is celebrated in all JNVs under your region. A consolidated report specifying activities carried out in all JNVs is to be submitted by email along with photographs/video recordings to this office on 25th December 2014," the letter to regional deputy commissioners and principals of nearly 600 JNV schools said.
Since NVS schools are affiliated to the CBSE, the letter also touched upon the activities the CBSE would ask its affiliated schools to do. The events were open to students of other boards too.
In a fresh letter today, Bothyal asked NVS officials to wait. "Since the CBSE has not yet issued any circular so far regarding the activities to be undertaken on (the) 25th of December, 2014, you are requested to await the issuance of the CBSE circular before taking any further action," the letter said.
Sources told this newspaper the letter followed instructions from the HRD ministry. Bothyal was not available for comment.
The ministry's note said the JNVs would observe December 25 as a public holiday. But since these were residential schools, they would function "because children (would) continue to remain there". Thus children, the note added, "will have the opportunity to participate if they wish to in (the) essay competition".
The note is silent on whether the JNV or CBSE schools would conduct any other activity. Sources in the ministry said there was no clarity on this.
Kiran Bhatti, a senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research and a former member of the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, said expecting students to voluntarily take part in essay-writing contests on Christmas Day was "uncalled for".
"They could have asked the students to participate in any competition on any other day during the winter break. Why on that specific day? One does wonder whether such a competition would have been held on Diwali," she said.
Ravi Sagar, an educationist working for the promotion of education among minorities in Assam, said holding any event on Christmas, although voluntary, amounted to depriving Christian students.
"Whether you write essays online sitting at home or in a classroom, it is a school activity. If the activity is for a good cause, every student should get an equal opportunity to participate," Sagar said. "But here, one religious group is being kept out."

Source: Telegraph India


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SECULAR INDIA — 1) Congress Ex-PM organizing roza iftar at his official residence NOT a polarisation bid?? 2) UP Govt withdrawing terror charges from the accused of bomb blasts NOT a polarisation bid?? 3) Construction of 5 star hajj houses in every state, crores in subsidy at govt expense NOT a polarisation bid?? 4) Branding Batla encounter, ishrat encounter FAKE NOT a polarisation bid?? 5) Allowing crores of illegal Bangladeshis to come & settle in country, providing them ration card, driving licence, aadhar card etc & then milking their Votes NOT a polarisation bid?? 6) PM of India proclaiming that Muslims have first share in India’s resources NOT a polarisation bid??? CM of Karnataka’s very first order after taking oath that Cow slaughter is now legal in Karnataka NOT a polarisation bid ??? Indian media showing with all remorse the plight of Muslims in Burma, but ignoring completely the daily conversions, killings of minority Hindus in Pakistan & Bangladesh NOT a polarisation bid???? etc etc etc ………………
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Sid Harth
Further Reading A useful collection of Nehru’s speeches and writings is Nehru: The First Sixty Years, selected and edited by Dorothy Norman (2 vols., 1965). Major biographies are Frank Moraes, Jawaharlal Nehru (1956); Donald E. Smith, Nehru and Democracy: The Political Thought of an Asian Democrat (1958); Michael Brecher, Nehru: A Political Biography (1960); and M. N. Das, The Political Philosophy of Jawaharlal Nehru (1961). A journalistic account, written by an intimate of the Nehru household, is Marie Seton, Panditiji: A Portrait of Jawaharlal Nehru (1967), a valuable book for students of Indian politics and history. A somewhat simplified biography, particularly suitable for young adults and casual readers, is Bani Shorter, Nehru: A Voice for Mankind (1970). Works that assess Nehru’s achievements and evaluate his place in history include K. Natwar-Singh, ed., The Legacy of Nehru: A Memorial Tribute (1965); The Emerging World: Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Volume (1965); and G. S. Jolly, ed., The Image of Nehru (1969), all of which are laudatory and should be balanced by more critical appraisals, such as that in Brecher’s biography. Walter Crocker, an intimate friend, yet sometimes a critic, of Nehru, wrote Nehru: A Contemporary’s Estimate (1966), which is a more balanced appraisal. Paul F. Power and Columbia University Committee on Oriental Studies, eds., India’s Nonalignment Policy (1967), deals with various Indian and foreign views of Nehru’s foreign policy and contains a good bibliography on the subject. Another work by Michael Brecher, Nehru’s Mantle: The Politics of Succession in India (1966), analyzes the parliamentary system in India that made possible a peaceful succession. □
Sid Harth
Free India’s first elections in 1951-1952 resulted in an overwhelming Congress victory. Economic planning and welfare were the first claims on Nehru’s attention. He inaugurated a diluted version of socialist planning: concentration of public investment in areas of the economy that were free from private interests. The Planning Commission was created in 1950 and launched the First Five-Year Plan in 1951, stressing an increase in agricultural output. Nehru also took pride in the Community Development Program, established to raise the standard of living in the villages. He saw the Third Five-Year Plan operative before his death on May 27, 1964, in New Delhi. Nehru was the architect of nonalignment in foreign policy. Economic weakness and the Indian tradition were powerful factors in formulating the policy. The other influence on Nehru’s foreign policy was his controversial minister of defense, Krishna Menon. Nehru sought closer relations with nonaligned Asian states, with India in the role of leader. Nehru’s nonalignment policy was criticized by many Westerners and some Indians as giving preference to totalitarian countries rather than to democracies. Some critics believed that nonalignment left India no effective means to deal with China, national defense, the Great Powers, or the underdeveloped community. On the other hand, nonalignment had many Indian defenders, even in the face of the Chinese invasion of Indian border territory in 1962. Some held that nonalignment was a strategy for deterrence and peace, a force for protecting Indian independence and preservation of the international community on ethical grounds. Nevertheless, nonalignment as implemented by Nehru did not prevent the government from resorting to force in Hyderabad, Kashmir, and Goa.
Sid Harth
War in Europe drew India in, together with England. For Indian leaders the question was how an honorable settlement could be reached with England and still allow India to participate on the Allied side. Negotiations toward this end culminated in the Cripps mission and offer of dominion status in March 1942. Nehru refused to accept dominion status, as did the rest of Congress leadership. There followed the Congress “Quit India” resolution and the imprisonment of Nehru, Gandhi, and other Congress leaders until June 1945. There were nationwide protests, a mass demand for independence. Prime Minister In 1945, as Congress president, Nehru was pressed into negotiations with the Moslem League and the viceroy. Congress-Moslem League negotiations were marked by communal killings in Calcutta, followed by sympathetic outbreaks throughout India. Final decisions were reached in conversations between the last British viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, and Nehru, Gandhi, and Mohammad Ali Jinnah. According to the Mountbatten Plan, two separate dominions were created. Nehru became prime minister and minister of external affairs of independent India in 1947. Following Gandhi’s assassination in January 1948, Nehru felt very much alone facing economic problems and the possibility of the Balkanization of India. In 1949 he made his first visit to the United States in search of a solution to India’s pressing food shortage.
Sid Harth
Back in India Nehru was immediately engrossed in party conferences and was elected president of the All-India Trades Union Congress. In speeches he linked the goals of independence and socialism. In 1928 he joined the radical opposition to proposals for dominion status by his father and Gandhi. In 1930 Gandhi threw his weight to Nehru as Congress president, attempting to divert radicalism from communism to the Congress. In 1930 Nehru was arrested and imprisoned for violation of the Salt Law, which Gandhi also protested in his famous “salt march.” Nehru’s wife was also arrested. From the end of 1931 to September 1935 Nehru was free only 6 months. During the 1937 elections the Moslem League offered to cooperate with the All-India Congress Committee in forming a coalition government in the United Provinces. Nehru refused, and the struggle between the Congress and the Moslem League was under way. Nehru also established the precedent for economic planning in a suggestion that the Congress form a national planning committee. In 1938 Nehru paid a brief visit to Europe. On his return he was sent briefly as envoy to China until war intervened and made it necessary for him to return.
Sid Harth
In 1921 Nehru followed Gandhi in sympathy with the Khilafat cause of the Moslems. Nehru was drawn into the first civil disobedience campaign as general secretary of the United Provinces Congress Committee. Nehru remarked, “I took to the crowd, and the crowd took to me, and yet I never lost myself in it.” Nehru here articulated two of his most distinctive traits throughout his career: his involvement with the people and his aloof and lonely detachment. The year 1921 also witnessed the first of Nehru’s many imprisonments. In prison his political philosophy matured, and he said that he learned patience and adaptability. Imprisonment was also a criterion of political success. International Influences In 1926-1927 Nehru took his wife to Europe for her health. This experience became a turning point for Nehru. It was an intellectual sojourn, highlighted by an antiimperialist conference in Brussels. Here Nehru first encountered Communists, Socialists, and radical nationalists from Asia and Africa. The goals of independence and social reform became firmly linked in Nehru’s mind. Nehru spoke eloquently against imperialism and became convinced of the need for a socialist structure of society. He was impressed with the Soviet example during a visit to Moscow.
Sid Harth
Early Political Moves Back in India, Nehru began to practice law with his father. It was not until 1917 that Nehru was stirred by a political issue, the imprisonment of Annie Besant, an Irish theosophist devoted to Indian freedom. As a result, Nehru became active in the Home Rule League. His involvement in the nationalist movement gradually replaced his legal practice. In 1916 Nehru was married to Kamala Kaul, of an orthodox Kashmiri Brahmin family. They had one daughter (later Indira Gandhi, third prime minister of independent India). Apart from his father and Besant, the greatest influence on Nehru politically was Mohandas Gandhi. Gandhi had been educated much like Nehru but, unlike him, remained basically untouched, essentially Indian. A second issue which fired Nehru’s nationalism and led him to join Gandhi was the Amritsar massacre of 1919, in which some 400 Indians were shot on orders of a British officer. The year 1920 marked Nehru’s first contact with the Indian kisan, the peasant majority. Nehru was “filled with shame and sorrow … at the degradation and overwhelming poverty of India.” This experience aroused a sympathy for the underdog which characterized many of Nehru’s later political moves. The plight of the peasant was a challenge to his socialist convictions, and he attempted to persuade the peasants to organize. From this time on Nehru’s concerns were Indian. He began to read the Bhagavad Gita and practiced vegetarianism briefly. Most of his life he practiced yoga daily.
Sid Harth
Jawaharlal Nehru Encyclopedia of World Biography | 2004 | Copyright Jawaharlal Nehru Jawaharlal Nehru (1889-1964) was a great Indian nationalist leader who worked for independence and social reform. He became first prime minister of independent India, a position he retained until his death. He initiated India’s nonalignment policy in foreign affairs. Jawaharlal Nehru was born on Nov. 14, 1889, in Allahabad into a proud, learned Kashmiri Brahmin family. His father, Motilal Nehru, was a wealthy barrister and influential politician. Jawaharlal was an only child until the age of 11, after which two sisters were born. The atmosphere in the Nehru home was more English than Indian; English was spoken. It was also a luxurious home, with an impressive stable and two swimming pools. Jawaharlal was educated at home by tutors, most of them English or Scottish. Under the influence of a tutor Nehru joined the Theosophical Society at 13. At the age of 15 Nehru left for England, where he studied at Harrow and Cambridge and then for the bar in London. He was called to the bar in 1912. His English experience reinforced his elegant and cosmopolitan tastes. As Nehru said of himself at Cambridge, “In my likes and dislikes I was perhaps more an Englishman than an Indian.” In London he was attracted by Fabian ideas; nationalism and socialism from this time on provided his intellectual motive force.
Sid Harth
(3) Organised attempts should be made to introduce substitute foods and to encourage a balanced diet, even though this involves change in the pattern of food consumption. It has often been stated that the present food habits in the country are not conducive to health, and recognized authorities in medicine and nutrition are of opinion that even from this point of view there should be a change in favour of a more balanced diet. Production and consumption of vegetables should be increased. (4) More fish should be produced and consumed by those who have no objection to such diet. (5) Production of short-term crops should be taken up systematically and immediately. This will depend on the area as to what crops can be grown there. In some places, maize or some of the coarser grains can be cultivated. Potatoes and bananas should be encouraged. For these short -term crops, Kutcha wells should be sunk to supply water. Wherever this is feasible. Kutcha water channels can also me made. (6) Every available small piece of lad should be used for growing some foodstuff. More particularly, this should be done near villages. It is possible to make even usar or saline land cultivable with a little treatment. (7) Relief work hold be specially related to agricultural production. Small schemes should be encouraged and village panchayats should be put in charge of these schemes. The community development blocks should particularly interest themselves in these small schemes. Doles must be avoided except in the case of the infirm. Every attempt should be made to fill the deficit by short term production. It should be realized that the present crisis can only be met by the fullest coordination between official and non official agencies. Targets should be set for the short-term as well as long-term production , and each village, and wherever possible, each family should be set a target. It has sometimes been said that the agricultural departments of state governments are considered not too important. This is obviously not right. They have to deal with the most important sector of our economy. They should therefore, be activised and take up their work as one of top priority and extreme national urgency. I have repeated here some of the suggestions that have been made. No doubt, others will suggest themselves to you. The point is that all of us should realise the vital necessity of attaching this food position from all fronts and not wait for some miracles to happen from the Centre or from overseas. Our attention must be diverted more and more to self help (Letter by Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India to State Chief Ministers. 20/11/1957)
Sid Harth
Nehru on Food Shortage ..We have been repeating almost ad nausea that agricultural production, and especially production of cereals, is the very basis and foundation of our plans and of our progress….The recent drought has made this matter of extreme importance. But, then, can we treat this matter so lightly and change our opinions and estimates within a few months? ..I have drawn your attention to Working Committee resolution which you must have seen. In this, both the short-term and the long-term aspects have been considered. In the long-term aspect, attention is drawn to the progressive spread of what might be called desert conditions in some parts of the country. ..In fact , while we talk about planting trees and Van Mahotsava, actually we treat this rather causally and as some kind of an annual event. Our forests disappear , leading to disastrous results. We must have an extensive and clearly defined plan of afforestation on a large scale…A great deal can be done by small schemes or in a small way. Everything now is made to depend on large sums o money as grants from somewhere. The local area asks for a grant from the State Government ; the State Government looks for credits or grants from other countries. This is not the right approach, and if we depend on everybody but ourselves, we shall sink more and more in this morass. For the short-term, it is essential that: (1) All waste of foodstuffs must be avoided. Restaurants, hotels and like institutions must be asked to avoid waste, more particularly in regard to food grains. We must give up feasts and banquets. We must limit people invited to functions where meals are served. In fact, we should do all this on an austerity scale. (2) The consumption of rice should be limited everywhere, and , to some extent, replaced by wheat or other grains. In the wheat-eating areas, more particularly, rice should be strictly limited, so that it may be available to other parts of India. It should be remembered that it is very difficult to get rice from abroad. There is scarcity of it the world over. We hope to get some from Burma, but that will not be much. Wheat, at least, we can get, though every import is a heavy burden on us.
Sid Harth
Nehru on Indian Press The Press if it wants freedom – which is ought to have must have some balance of mind which is seldom possesses. One cannot have it both ways. Evert freedom in this world is limited, limited not so much by law as by circumstances. We do not wish to come in the way of freedom of the Press. Personally, I am convinced of the freedom of the Press (Speech in Parliament. 29/5/1951) The press is one of the vital organs of modern life, especially in a democracy. The Press has tremendous powers and responsibilities. The Press must be respected and it must also have co-operation. (Speech in Parliament. 16/5/1951) To my mind, the freedom of the Press is not just a slogan from the larger point of view but it is an essential attribute of the democratic process. I have no doubt that even if the government dislikes the liberties taken by the press and considers them dangerous, it is wrong to interfere with the freedom of the Press. By imposing restrictions you do not change anything; you merely suppress the public manifestation of certain things, thereby causing the idea and thought underlying them to spread further. Therefore, I would rather have a completely free Press with all the dangers involved in the wrong use of that freedom than a suppressed or regulated Press. (Speech at the Newspaper Editor’s Conference. 3/12/1950) Whatever we may think of the virtues and failings of the Press it is obvious that it plays a very important part in our lives; it moulds people’s minds and thoughts and this affects the policies of the government, if not always directly. Therefore, when we have to deal with any major problem, it is important that the Press should- if I say so with all humility- give it right lead…. (Address at the newspapers Editor’s Conference. 4/5/1950) We have been extraordinarily lenient towards the Press, Indian and foreign. We have gone out of our way to tell them that we will not do anything even if they send message which are extremely disagreeable to us. (Speech in Constituent Assembly. 8/3/48)
Sid Harth
Bantaism By Bhai Niranjan Singh Amrikawale
Sid Harth
6 Harish Kapur, India’s Foreign Policy, 1947-92: Shadows and Substance (New Delhi, 1994), p.180. 7 M. O. Mathai, Reminiscences of the Nehru Age (New Delhi, 1978), p.76. 8 Indian Foreign Affairs , vol.1, no.2, April 1958, p.30. 9 India, Lok Sabha, Debates , vol. I, part II, 25 March 1957, cols. 722-3. 10 The Hindu (Madras), 2 February 1957. 11 Nalini Kant Jha, “Cultural and Philosophical Roots of India’s Foreign Policy,” International Studies (New Delhi), vol. 26, no. 1 January-March 1989, pp.45-66. 12 Appadorai, n.5, pp. 229-30. 13 Kuldip Nayar, India: The Critical Years (New Delhi, 1971).
Sid Harth
This forced Nehru to admit his mistake in Parliament and later on embark on themodernization of India’s defence forces. It is a different matter that he could not surviveto continue with this new pragmatic approach to foreign and security policies.If one were to assess the impact of Nehru’s personality on three aspects of India’sforeign policy, namely, routine, broad framework and crisis situations, it could be arguedthat though on routine and evolving the broad framework, Nehru exercised a decisivecontrol, crisis situations were not under his complete control. He was held accountableand he had to introduce changes on these matters under public pressure manifestedthrough Parliamentary debate, press and attitude of the opposition parties, etc. 1 For a theoretical overview of foreign policy making, see Nalini Kant Jha, Domestic Imperatives in India’s Foreign Policy (New Delhi, 2002), chapter-I. 2 Joseph Frankel, The Making of Foreign Policy: An Analysis of Decision Making (London, 1963), p.15 3 Michael Clarke and Brian While, eds., Understanding Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy Systems Approach (Aldershot, 1989), pp. 138, 141. See also, Richard W. Cottam, Foreign Policy Motivations: AGeneral Theory and a Case Study (Pittsburgh, 1977). 4 Jha, n. 1, pp. 58. 5 A. Appadorai, Domestic Roots of India’s Foreign Policy (New Delhi, 1981), p.226.
Sid Harth
Purna Swaraj or complete independence; the commonwealth did not take away an iota of Indian independence.Rather, it would be to India’s advantage to continue her association with a group of nations to further certain causes, peace for instance, in which India was interested.
Sid Harth
Another related basic idea to which Nehru was committed—and which he propagated with enthusiasm—was
Sid Harth
acquired any degree of authority or power to become a policy making body. Its memberswere ‘only gatherers and conveyors and, in short, mechanics men. 7 Nehru had thus more or less complete hold over foreign policy, which was never replicated under any other Prime Minister. N G Ranga, the leader of the Swatantra Party,was correct when he wrote in Indian Foreign Affairs in April 1958, “India is today in thefortunate position that there is almost complete unity among all her political parities over her foreign policy. 8 Even one of the best informed critics of India’s foreign policy at thattime, and a respected statesman—Acharya Kripalani—began his criticism of foreign policy in Parliament by avowing his ‘complete agreement with the basic principles of our foreign policy’, 9 peace, anti-colonialism and non-alignment with power blocs.There were, of course, differences in the approach of political parities to variousaspects of foreign policy. The Praja Socialist Party, for instance, as Nehru said on 31January 1957, 10 liked India to align herself more with the Western bloc, while theCommunist Party wished to do so with the Soviet bloc. But there was no doubt that onthe fundamental of foreign policy Pt Nehru was able to build up a broad nationalconsensus.IIIDeveloping a broad national consensus on foreign policy apart, the impact of Nehru’s personality on India’s foreign policy can be seen three aspects of its foreign policy duringits formative phase, namely, non-alignment, panchsheel , and the continuance of India’sconnection with the Commonwealth. For a start, while tailoring India’s policy of non-alignment, Nehru was undoubtedly influenced by a variety of factors such the politics of the Cold War and India’s domestic milieu, but it was his vision and perception that Indiacould follow a policy that was dictated by these imperatives. It was, for instance, whoclearly understood the logic of military alliance that could only erode the hard ownedindependence of newly liberated post-colonial states. It was he, who articulated withclarity that non-alignment was neutrality; it was not a negative policy, but a positive one;and that it would contribute to peace in so far as the area of peace built up the non-aligned countries would speak the language of peace, no of war. He also communicatedthe rational of this people in keeping with the Indian tradition of tolerance. 11
Sid Harth
In order to have a better understanding of India’s foreign policy, it is thereforenecessary to closely examine the role of the personality factor in this regard. As Pt.Jawaharlal Nehru was the sole architect of India’s foreign policy during its formative phase, the present paper therefore proposes to briefly discuss his role in this regard.IISurely, it was Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, who defined the broad framework of India’s foreign policy. While Nehru’s leadership influenced both domestic as well as foreign policies, hiscontribution to foreign policy was more significant. For, in the internal field, he built primarily on an existing framework; in the external arena, he had to lay the veryfoundations of the foreign policy edifice. In the domestic sphere, for example, there was aCivil Service and the rule of law had been established before Nehru. The beginning of theIndian democracy could be traced to the Morley-Minto Reforms. Large-scale industryand modern transport had been developing in India since the middle of the nineteenthcentury. Nehru, of course, did much to reorganize the Civil Service, re-draw theadministrative map of India, extend democracy, and to plan economic development; butthe base was already there. On the contrary, the basic elements of foreign policy had to beformulated. This exercise included: building up official contacts with sovereign Statesand with the international community organized in the United Nations; crating a foreignservice and framing a foreign policy. 5 It was really a tribute to Nehru’s personality at lest partially that nobody, belonging to the mainstream of India politics really challenged it, excepting of course ona few occasions. Although the Indian Cabinet was composed of powerful personalities, itleft foreign policy making to Nehru. Parliament trusted Nehru and it hardly showed anyinterest in foreign affairs, the external intelligence services were almost non-existent andthe media was generally euphoric about the principles that underpinned India’s policies.His own party, the Congress Party, virtually dominated the political scene with nobodyreally to challenge it. Even the Secretariat, established to assist Nehru, was basically a co-ordinating agency, which was classified as his personal Secretariat. 6 It never really
Sid Harth
Nalini Kant Jha , “Nehru and Modern India: Impact of His Personality on ForeignPolicy,” in T A. Nizami, ed., Jawaharlal Nehru and Modern India (Aligarh: Three WayPrinters, 2003), pp. 17-22. Nehru and Modern India: Impact of His Personality onForeign Policy Foreign policy of a country is, of course, determined by a large number of factors and noleader, however influential he or she may be is free in shaping foreign policy according tois whims and fancies. His freedom in this regard is restrained by both the realities of domestic as well as international politics. 1 India’s first Prime Minister, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, himself was candid enough to admit this fact on several occasions. Theseconstraints notwithstanding, personality of leaders, however, plays a significant role inthe shaping of any country’s foreign policy, as it is their vision and perception of theobjective realties that ultimately matters in the making of foreign policy. Not surprisingly, the personality factor is being increasingly recognized as acrucial element in foreign policy making, perhaps even more crucial than some of theestablished institutions. Scholars like Joseph Frankel have viewed the personality factor as ‘a legitimate and important topic of historical analysis’ in all investigations pertainingto external State behaviour.” 2 More recent studies have gone even further by evoking a panoply of psychological approaches to understand the ‘decision makers’ cognitivesystem;’ how it is formed and modified and how it operates ‘so as to structure perceptions and thereby determine behaviour.’ 3 The role of personality in the making of foreign policies of developing countrieslike India is even more decisive, where institutions are less institutionalised as comparedto well advanced countries In the case of India, for instance, the role of press,intelligentsia, and Parliament, etc., is normally not overwhelming on foreign policydecision makers. Besides, in a religious and a highly hierarchical society, where all thosewho have risen to political heights, are unquestioned by those who are close to them or are generally revered by those who are not, despite considerable erosion in their image.And the lack of interest in and knowledge of foreign affairs among the vast majority of Indians also prohibit them from providing any meaningful input in foreign policy makingexcept perhaps during the crisis periods. 4
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Self-respect Famine prevailed in Chi. Chien Ou prepared food by the roadside and waited to feed the starving refugees. A starving man came shuffling along with a mournful countenance covered by his sleeve. Chien Ou, holding forth food in his left hand and drink in his right, called out off-handedly. “Hey, there, come and eat.” The man raised his head to look at Chien Ou and said, “The reason I have come down to such straitened circumstances is that I don’t accept food offered with a ‘Hey’.” Chien Ou apologized but the man left and died of hunger. When Tseng Tze heard of this, he said. “Although the shout was uncalled for the man should have eaten after the apology.” Book of Rites. Chapter Tan Kung
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“After quoting Mr. Robertson’s remark that ‘reneutralization’ and ‘new Yalu sanctuary’ were ‘catch phrases’ for which there was no basis, the paper declared: “The complete disavowals of any intent of the U.S. to hold its military and economic aid programs over Chiang Kai-shek as a club to force the· Nationalists to abide by our wishes is a clear answer to those in this country who were seeking to make political capital, and at the same time a warning to Communist China that the U. S. recognizes that the Nationalists have a right, and a duty, to reduce the effectiveness of the Reds to whatever extent they are able.” “Meanwhile,” commented editorialIy the New York Daily Mirror on October 20, “we ought to know what our policy toward Chiang Kai-shek and Formosa really is. “Does Chiang Kai-shek know? One day, we are told that he has been influenced to discontinue his raids on the China coast; then we are told that he has not been so influenced. Is he to do nothing while Peking plans to capture him? If he has to twist and turn with every change of American policy, he must be as confused as the American people are. Surely by now the American policy in the East of Asia is sufficiently fixed to include opposition to the Nehru-Mao axis and full support for Chiang Kai-shek and for constant raids on the China mainland. If that is not American policy, what is American policy?”
Sid Harth
“Loss of the coastal islands also would deprive the Nationalists of their springboard for possible invasion of the mainland. All in all, it would be a terrific blow that might easily lead to the breaching of the Pacific defense line through loss of Formosa. It would be a major administration error if the Nationalists have been compelled to regard the coastal areas opposite their islands as a ‘privileged sanctuary’ for the Red forces as General MacArthur had to treat Manchuria. That Truman error prevented our winning the Korean war. Another such error could de equaIIy disastrous as regards Formosa.” “President Chiang left no doubt whatever that any decisions calling for the Nationalists to halt their blows at Red China for the time being,” observed editorially the Oakland Tribune on October 19, “were decisions made by the Nationalists alone. The events at Quemoy, both the retaliation against Red artillery and the order to call a halt were entirely dictated by practical military matters and have not been influenced by any of her consideration.”
Sid Harth
“These island groups can hardly be said to be stepping stones to the reconquest of the mainland,” argued editorially the New York Times on November 7. “Their value is essentially defensive rather than offensive in character. They do constitute a part of the network of information a d warning that screens Formosa. It is for this reason that the Nationalists have made spirited reply to each attack on them. While the New York Daily News raised the question in its editorial of October 14 “What Cooks on Formosa?” the Houston Chronicle editorialized on October 17: “There is a suspicious odor of appeasement about Assistant Secretary of State Walter S. Robertson’s hush-hush mission to Formosa.” “If the Nationalists have been, induced to agree not to bomb shore installations opposite the islands they hold near the coast and not to attack fleets of junks and motor vessels massing anywhere in the area,” the paper continued, “a major victory for the Red defeat for the Nationalists is shaping up. If the defenders of Quemoy, for example, have to wait ‘until they see the whites of their eyes’ before firing on invasion fleets, Quemoy is doomed along with its 30,000 de­ fenders. If Quemoy and other islands off the coast are lost, the Nationalists will lose their ‘windows’ on the continent through which they obtain invaluable information and maintain con­ tact with guerrilla forces in China. Also, Red invasion of Formosa itself then would become a possibility. A fleet of junks leaving the coast under cover of fog some afternoon could reach Formosa before dawn. The 7th Fleet’s patrol of the Formosa Strait is not so thorough as to rule out the possibility of complete surprise.
Sid Harth
(2) Courage on the Quemoys In its editorial of October 22, the New York Herald Tribune stated that “to the world at large, the Nationalist-held islands off the coast of China are possible stepping stones for the invasion of Formosa or the liberation of the Chi­nese mainland. They have the kind of grim featurelessness of any strategic point on a war map. In the report of Mr. Homer Bigart in yesterday’s issue of this newspaper, however, Quemoy and Little Quemoy assume a different aspect. They are the sites of homes and farms of thousands of Chinese, who cling to them courageously under all the shelling-indifferent, possibly, to the broader issues, but determined to hold to the land they have tilled, to the ruins of the houses in which they have lived.” Casting doubt on the ability of the Chinese Communists to take the islands at this time, without massive and risky air operations, the paper went on to say: “Whether they have a serious military purpose or are simply firing and shouting for propaganda effect, they have sent random death and destruction to their own countrymen, to farmers in the fields and mothers in the homes. Yet the survivors refuse to abandon, the soil of the islands, undeterred by shelling, unmoved by propaganda. On the small but vital stage of the Quemoys, under Red guns, there is a striking example of the enduring strength and staunchness of the Chinese people, a demonstration of genuine human values that will surely be sustained in China despite all the efforts of the Communists to pervert and destroy them.”
Sid Harth
With reference to Nehru’s statement that he “came out 100 per cent in favor of (peaceful) coexistence, no matter what,” the New York World-Telegram editorialized on October 29, “That ‘no matter what’ is interesting because when Red China decided to coexist peacefully inside Tibet a few years ago, Nehru got quite jittery about it. Evidently it mattered then, for Tibet’s occupation by an aggressor power had obvious military and political implications. It meant not only Red conquest, but bringing large Red Chinese military forces to the very borders of India, as well as the rich state of Kashmir, which India covets.” “Well, suppose some time in the future­ depending on the Communist timetable,” the paper continued, “Red China decides to ‘peacefully coexist’ inside Kashmir, or even India. Will Nehru be 100 per cent in favor of that? He’s bound to be, as he says-no matter what.” While The Economist observed on October 23: “The real question, therefore, is whether the results of Nehru’s journey to (Communist) China will have any special significance at all, and whether they will do more good than harm or more harm than good,” the Glasgow Herald commented editorially on October 27: “Official good will has no doubt been increased between the two countries, even if it is of the suspiciously temporary nature that might be expected from the lying down together of a lamb and a lion in lamb’s clothing. Beyond the possibility of a reciprocal agreement about civil airlines, nothing concrete has emerged. But there has been much reiteration on both sides of the importance of the Tibet agreement’s preamble advocating peaceful co-existence. Like all such declarations between Communist and non-Communist countries, this agreement had a limited and superficial virtue; but while non-interference in each other’s internal affairs was agreed, no mention was made of the fact that India has a Communist Party but (Communists China has no Congress party, that Chinese Communism (like all Communism) has a proselytising mission backed by force, while Indian democracy is a tender and almost rootless plant surrounded by a little chicken-wire.”
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“If it does, then Nehru’s visit to Peiping will indeed have historic significance. It will be historic because it will signalize the first time in history that Commies ever kept a major promise they weren’t compelled to keep.” “Clearly, the Communists have organized a counter-SEATO movement,” commented editorially the New York Mirror on October 20, “the axis of which is Nehru-Mao, India and Red China. First Chou En-lai visited India; now Nehru returns the call but to Mao Tse-tung. An alliance between Red China and India, particularly a military alliance, could endanger the peace of the world.” “The biggest mistake at the SEATO conference at Manila,” the paper continued, “was the omission of Formosa, Japan and South Korea from its membership. Had these countries been present, there could be no mistaking its character. They were omitted to please Great Britain, which believes that it can differentiate between Chinese Marxism and Russian Marxism and which still lives in the hope that somehow, by some means, some day, Red China will be separated from Red Russia and will fall into the lap of the Western powers.”
Sid Harth
Stating that Chou En-lai’s visit to India and Burma when he was on his way home from Geneva added materially to the Communist prestige in the Far East, the paper went on to say; “There should also be no doubt that Pei­ping is eager to entertain Prime Minister Nehru because of the confidence that this prestige will be still further enhanced. Mr. Nehru is not worried about enhancing the prestige of Mao and Chou. We happen to be, and for that reason we can deplore his trip. He will definitely be giving ‘aid and comfort’ to the Chinese Communists, whom we regard as enemies of freedom.” Declaring that the public statements made by Nehru and Mao “made it seem a good guess that they are cooking up some sort of non-aggression pact between India and Red China,” the New York Daily News editorialized on October 22: “Suppose they do; and suppose the treaty carries a Chinese Communist promise not to give any more help to the Hindu Reds who are trying to undermine Nehru’s government. Soviet Russia made such a promise to the United States in 1933, when President F. D. Roosevelt recognized Stalin, thereby probably saving the Red Czar’s gangster government from collapse. Russia went gaily ahead with its effort to foment Red revolution here, and is still at it. If Communist China makes a similar promise to India, will Mao Tse-tung’s and Chou En-lai’s Red government in Peiping live up to that promise?
Sid Harth
“It would be unfair to characterise this trip as just another ‘pilgrimage to Peiping,’ editorialized the” New York Times along the same line on the same day, “and to compare it with the recent journeys of Clement AttIee and the chief Soviet dignitaries who were the recipients of the Communist hospitality. Mr. Nehru is doing no obeisance and asking no favors. Indeed, it is clearly suggested that one of the major purposes of his trip is to ask some sharp questions in Peiping such as, for example, what Red China will do or stop doing about Communists in Burma and what Red China will do or stop doing about the Overseas Chinese. If Mr. Nehru can get unequivocal answers to such questions he will have helped to clear the international atmosphere. “The net result, however, can be unhappy. India’s influence, for example, is thrown against the Southeast Asia Defense Pact because this constitutes such an ‘alignment,’ Indonesia is influenced, in turn, by Indian leadership, and. one of the most vulnerable spots in East Asia is made even weaker in the face of Communist infiltration and subversion. One of the Moslem groups in Indonesia has now taken a firm stand against the Government and expressed its sup­port of the idea of the Manila Pact, but unless there is a more general expression of popular opinion Indonesia will continue to be a prime Communist target and present the possibility of a relatively easy prey.”
Sid Harth
“India and China are essentially rivals, for prestige and leadership in Asia. Chou En-lai raised his own and (Communist) China’s prestige by his visit to India and Burma following the Geneva Conference; it is not surprising to see Mr. Nehru attempting the same thing. Nehru needs peace to carry out his own ambitious program for improving the Indian standard of living as well as to lead a neutralist bloc in Asia. For this reason he is conciliatory toward his big northern neighbor. But presumably he also is well aware that his own plans will be frustrated if Communist China pushes further into Tibet and Nepal or worries the other countries of South Asia. Hence he is concerned with giving practical meaning to the Communist theme of coexistence.” “It would be unwise and unjust at this stage,” concluded the paper, “to brand his journey to (Communist) China as appeasement. Rather it may be considered in the nature of a fact-finding expedition. One of the questions on which he may be able to throw some light is just what the new Russian concessions mean in terms of a tighter Sino-Soviet rela­tionship-a question on which countries with no contact at Peking can only guess.”
Sid Harth
Pointing out that Nehru’s visit to Peiping was “hardly the sort of thing that tends to reassure,” the paper concluded: “From the stand­ point of population, India and Red China are the two biggest countries in the world, and although the Peiping get-together probably will fall very far short of being the most important event of the decade, it can have significant and possibly quite adverse results for the West­ particularly if Mr. Nehru is in a mood to promote ‘peaceful co-existence’ at almost any price, on the basis of mere propaganda promises from the Communists.” “Some critics of India’s neutral course doubt­ less will see in Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to Peking,” observed editorially the Washington Post and Times-Herald the next day, “a closer alignment with the Chinese Communists. Our guess is that the purpose of his trip is something quite different. For all his skepticism about American policy and his misconception of capitalist economics, Mr. Nehru is by no means indifferent to the dangers of Communist expansionism. We suspect that he will ask some searching questions about Chinese intentions in the areas bordering India, the support of subversive movements in Southeast Asia and the direction of the overseas Chinese in Burma, Thailand and Indonesia.
Sid Harth
“All this, coupled with some other things that Mr. Nehru has said and done in recent years, justifies a certain feeling of misgiving about the nature and possible effects of his trip to Peiping. True, besides preaching the doctrine of ‘Asia for the Asians,’ he has long professed to be a kind of tight-rope walker or fence-sitter unwaveringly intent upon having India follow a policy of strict neutrality between the Sino-Soviet empire on the one hand and the United States and the West as a whole on the other. But unfortunately, especially since the outbreak of the Korean war in 1950, he has several times given the impression of leaning markedly toward the Communists and being rather too self-righteous and free-wheeling-not to mention inaccurate and confused-in his criticism of our country and its allies.”
Sid Harth
Congress Calls PM Modi ‘Pied Piper’, Attacks Minister Accused of Forging Marksheets All India | Press Trust of India | Updated: November 14, 2014 17:30 IST Congress Calls PM Modi ‘Pied Piper’, Attacks Minister Accused of Forging Marksheets Junior education minister RS Katheria New Delhi: Congress today attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his ministerial colleagues, after the controversy surrounding newly-inducted minister of state for HRD Ram Shankar Katheria over his graduation marksheet. Party general secretary Digvijaya Singh called Mr Modi as “Indian pied piper” who “takes credit of all the things which he hasn’t done”. Ajay Maken, who heads the Congress’ communications department, said in his tweet, “BJP-Gift to the Nation Education Min filed wrong Affidavit: MOS allegedly forged MarkSheet! Modi’s #Clean Politics ? (sic)”. While attacking Mr Katheria, both the leaders also referred to the degree controversy surrounding Human Resource Development (HRD) Minister Smriti Irani sometime back. “First Minster HRD and now MOS HRD has given Fraud Mark Sheet! On top of it RSS wants to change the Text Books and Indian History (sic),” Mr Singh said on Twitter. Mr Katheria, the Junior Education Minister in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government, faces charges of forging two university marksheets to land a teaching job at Agra University. The minister has, however, strongly denied the charge against him terming it a political conspiracy. Digvijaya Singh also slammed the BJP for “taking support of MIM” in Maharashtra and claimed the saffron party will benefit if MIM contests elections in Delhi. He said that “religious fundamentalists of majority and minority” are two faces of the same coin. Two MLAs of Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) had abstained from voting against the Devendra Fadnavis government of BJP in Maharashtra. He added “Bhakra Nangal other Dams Power Projects Navratna PSUs IITs IIMs are products of his Vision. Through Land Reforms he gave Land to the Tiller.” Story First Published: November 14, 2014 16:37 IST
Sid Harth
Marksheet Case: Minister RS Katheria Charged with Faking Work Experience Too All India | Kashish | Updated: November 14, 2014 21:21 IST Professor RS Katheria’s allegedly original and allegedly false marksheets from Bachelor of Arts second year New Delhi: A chargesheet against new junior education minister RS Katheria alleges not just that he forged two university marksheets to land a teaching job at Agra University, but also a work experience document. Less than 20 days after Prof Katheria, a two-term BJP lawmaker, was sworn in as a central minister on Sunday, an Agra court in Uttar Pradesh will hear the forgery case against him. The minster said today, “If the charges are proven, I will not just resign as minister but also as a parliamentarian.” He is charged with falsely claiming to have had work experience of three years in an Etawah college, also in UP, when he applied for the post of reader in an Agra college in 1999. The state police allege that their investigations show Mr Katheria never worked at the Etawah college. Related Make in India, Make Your Own Marksheet: Congress’ Dig at Junior Education Minister Congress Calls PM Modi ‘Pied Piper’, Attacks Minister Accused of Forging Marksheets Will Quit if Charges are Proven, Says Minister RS Katheria Accused of Forging His Marksheets He is also accused of changing a mark sheet for his Bachelor of Arts programme and another for his second year in a Master of Arts programme. The minister has said that the case, filed by a rival Bahujan Samaj Party candidate who lost narrowly to him in the 2009 national elections, is a result of political vendetta. He also claimed that he had been given a clean chit in an inquiry conducted by the Uttar Pradesh government under Mayawati. In 2012, the Allahabad High Court dismissed Mr Katheria’s attempt at getting the case quashed and directed the Agra sessions court to resolve it as soon as possible. Mr Katheria has been charged with cheating and dishonesty under Section 420 of the Indian Penal Code. If convicted, he could get a prison term of up to seven years. Convicted politicians are disqualified from office and are barred from contesting elections for several years after a landmark Supreme Court ruling last year. This is only one of 21 cases that Mr Katheria has listed in his election affidavit. The Congress has questioned the induction of a minister with so many cases against him. Story First Published: November 14, 2014 20:50 IST
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Make in India, Make Your Own Marksheet: Congress’ Dig at Junior Education Minister All India | Reported by Kashish, Edited by Amit Chaturvedi | Updated: November 14, 2014 21:31 IST Make in India, Make Your Own Marksheet: Congress’ Dig at Junior Education Minister Congress leader Salman Khurshid Prof Katheria said today that, “If the charges are proven, I will not just resign as minister but also as a parliamentarian.” He has called it a political conspiracy against him. The forgery case against him was filed by a rival Bahujan Samaj Party candidate who lost narrowly to him in the 2009 national elections. He has been charged with cheating and dishonesty under Section 420 of the Indian Penal Code. Mr Khurshid linked the controversy to an earlier one about the educational qualifications of Smriti Irani, the senior minister in the same ministry. “There is something called a talent pool and one picks people for a particular job, the best suited candidate is chosen. In this case, it seems those who have maximum human resources have been picked for the job,” he said in more sarcasm. Fellow Congressman Digvijay Singh tweeted, “First Minster HRD and now MOS HRD has given Fraud Mark Sheet! On top of it RSS wants to change the Text Books and Indian History”. Professor Katheria was one of 21 ministers inducted last Sunday in Mr Modi’s Cabinet expansion exercise. This is only one of the 21 cases that Mr Katheria has listed in his election affidavit. BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra said, “All these cases are nothing but political vendetta. The case had been started by the BSP government. The BSP government could not find anything in the enquiry and as a result no FIR was filed.” Story First Published: November 14, 2014 20:42 IST
Sid Harth
Reviews & endorsements “Joan Hoff is universally recognized as among our most distinguished and perceptive historians of the American presidency and US foreign policy. In A Faustian Foreign Policy from Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush she has produced another perceptive, graceful and informative history that targets and explains the deadly combination that too often has led our nation astray: grand visions conceived in a myopic haze of American exceptionalism. It is a major achievement.” -Martin J. Sherwin, George Mason University; Co-author of American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer, 2006 winner of the Pulitzer Prize for biography “Joan Hoff has given us a superb critical analysis of post-9/11 U.S. foreign policy. But her book is most important in providing a powerful insight which has been missing from too much recent analysis: how that post-9/11 foreign policy catastrophe comes directly out of how Americans have been viewing and making their foreign policy over the past several centuries. The 17th-century American ‘City on a Hill’ exceptionalist belief (emphasized by Ronald Reagan), the religious Manifest Destiny of the 19th-century which climaxed in Civil War, and, above all, the haunting illusions of Woodrow Wilson’s export-democracy-to-the world — all, as Hoff masterfully and succinctly explains, are absolutely necessary for us to understand if we are also to understand — and correct — post-9/11 U.S. foreign policy disasters.” -Walter LaFeber, Tisch University Professor at Cornell University “With customary insight and erudition, and passion to diagnose what ills the United States at this moment in time, Joan Hoff shows how blind faith in American exceptionalism has produced a century of foreign policy that perverted, and threatens to destroy, the nation’s values. That does not have to happen. Like no book since William Appleman William’s The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, Hoff’s study powerfully demonstrates that a better future for America (and the world) lies in coming to terms with the corrupt bargains of the past. By so doing, citizens and leaders together can recover their nation’s lost honor.” -William O. Walker III, University of Toronto “In this brilliant book, Joan Hoff deftly explores how the myth of unparalleled virtue has cloaked an increasingly sordid reality of U.S. foreign policy. If more Americans shared her wisdom, they would live in a better nation and a better world.” -Lawrence S. Wittner, State University of New York, Albany; Editor of Peace Action “Hoff bases this well-written narrative on solid research and a clear moral standpoint…The American public and its leaders–not only historians–should ponder this excellent, disturbing book.” The Historian, Richard T. Fry, Illinois College
Sid Harth
Professor Joan Hoff’s A Faustian Foreign Policy: Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush critiques U.S. foreign policy during this period by showing how moralistic diplomacy has increasingly taken on Faustian overtones. As long as the ideological outcome of the Cold War remained in doubt, there was little reason for presidents or government decision makers to question the unethical aspects of U.S. relations with the rest of the world or the universal and exceptional nature of American values. September 11 allowed the United States to assert its exceptionalism and dominance more unilaterally than ever before. Controversial, critical of both Democrats and Republicans since 1920 – does not take a partisan stand Original historical synthesis Covers a number of important themes
Sid Harth
A Faustian Foreign Policy from Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush Dreams of Perfectibility Author: Joan Hoff Date Published: December 2007 availability: In stock format: Paperback isbn: 9780521714044
Sid Harth
Reviews & endorsements “The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru is the work of a gifted scholar, one knowledgeable of both Chinese and Indian foreign relations. Indeed, there are very few individuals working in the field of Asian security studies who have shown a comparable mastery of both countries. Moreover, Kennedy has broader aspirations than to simply study Chinese and Indian foreign policy, rather through his development of the concept of national efficacy beliefs he aims to speak to debates in international relations theory and security studies about fundamental aspects of international politics.” — Allen Carlson, Cornell University “Andrew Kennedy has written a terrific book that challenges the conventional wisdom about the constraints on leaders in international politics. By combining theoretical creativity with careful historical research, he demonstrates how Mao Zedong and Jawaharlal Nehru chose to pursue bold and risky strategies in their relations with other states. The result is persuasive study that advances international relations theory as well as our knowledge of Chinese and Indian foreign policy.” —M. Taylor Fravel, Massachusetts Institute of Technology “Andrew Kennedy has focused on a most unlikely comparison of the leadership styles and foreign policies of two twentieth-century Asian nationalists of extraordinary significance: Jawaharlal Nehru of India and Mao-Tse-Tung of the People’s Republic of China. Nehru was an aristocratic, Anglophilic, and erudite nationalist passionately committed to the principles of liberal democracy at home and in the world. Mao was a peasant revolutionary who ushered in a violent revolution and created a totalitarian state which presided over the deaths of millions through ill-conceived policies of social and economic transformation. Despite these obvious contrasts, both individuals sought to pursue significant foreign policy goals for their respective nations. Kennedy’s carefully researched, historically-grounded and theoretically supple work makes an important contribution to studies of both leadership and foreign policy.” — Sumit Ganguly, Indiana University, Bloomington “An insightful, well argued, and solidly documented re-interpretation of the psychology and foreign policy choices of Mao Zedong and Jawaharlal Nehru. Kennedy convincingly links the historical experience of India’s independence movement and China’s revolutionary upheaval to differing belief systems of Mao and Nehru, and then those beliefs to the foreign policy choices of the two leaders. He argues convincingly that India’s long and successful non-violent struggle for independence, and the victory of the Chinese revolution against seemingly overwhelming odds, gave rise to different beliefs about the efficacy of moral suasion and war, and that Nehru’s and Mao’s embrace of these varying world views deeply influenced those leaders management of their nation’s foreign relations. An important contribution to the study of the
Sid Harth
Description Contents Resources Courses About the Authors Why do leaders sometimes challenge, rather than accept, the international structures that surround their states? In The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru, Andrew Kennedy answers this question through in-depth studies of Chinese foreign policy under Mao Zedong and Indian foreign policy under Jawaharlal Nehru. Drawing on international relations theory and psychological research, Kennedy offers a new theoretical explanation for bold leadership in foreign policy, one that stresses the beliefs that leaders develop about the “national efficacy” of their states. He shows how this approach illuminates several of Mao and Nehru’s most important military and diplomatic decisions, drawing on archival evidence and primary source materials from China, India, the United States, and the United Kingdom. A rare blend of theoretical innovation and historical scholarship, The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru is a fascinating portrait of how foreign policy decisions are made. Offers a novel theoretical perspective on why political leaders sometimes act with surprising boldness in foreign policy Offers a historically rich account of Chinese foreign policy under Mao and Indian foreign policy under Nehru, drawing on newly discovered archival documents from China, India, the UK and the US The only extant book that systematically and in detail compares the foreign policies of Mao Zedong and Jawaharlal Nehru
Sid Harth
The International Ambitions of Mao and Nehru National Efficacy Beliefs and the Making of Foreign Policy Author: Andrew Kennedy Date Published: December 2011 availability: Available format: Hardback isbn: 9780521193511

...and I am Sid Harth

What's Modi's Dough-Boy Doval up to?

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14 hours ago - International » South Asia GALLE, December 1, 2014 Updated: December 1, 2014 12:37 IST Indian Ocean has to remain a zone of peace: Ajit Doval Meera ...

International» South Asia

Updated: December 1, 2014 12:37 IST

Indian Ocean has to remain a zone of peace: Ajit Doval

Meera Srinivasan
National Security Advisor Ajit Doval
PTI
National Security Advisor Ajit Doval
If the Indian Ocean has to contribute to the prosperity of different nations, it is necessary that it remains a zone of peace, National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval said on Monday.
He was delivering the keynote address at the ‘Galle Dialogue’, held in Sri Lanka's southern coastal town of Galle. Evoking a 1971 UNGA resolution, on the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, Mr. Doval said it was important to revisit the resolution mooted by Sri Lanka then “calling upon great powers not to allow escalation and expansion of military presence in the Indian Ocean.”
Mr. Doval’s remarks come at a time when India has been voicing serious concern over China’s growing military presence in the island. In October, Sri Lanka’s Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was in New Delhi for a meeting with Mr. Doval and Defence Minister Arun Jaitley where New Delhi raised the issue of a Chinese submarine calling at the port in Colombo.
In his address on Monday, Mr. Doval said India has been a status quoist power in the region for 5,000 years, but it had no aggressive design or strategic reason for dominance that is detrimental to any other country.
He called for cooperation between countries to tackle challenges such as piracy, drug smuggling and human trafficking. India would enhance trilateral cooperation with Sri Lanka and the Maldives, he said, stressing the need for maritime security for prosperity. Over 100 representatives from 36 countries participated in the event with the theme Cooperation & Collaboration for Maritime Prosperity’, organised by Sri Lanka's Ministry of Defence and Urban Development.


Opinion» Lead

Updated: December 16, 2014 01:11 IST

New wars on the Cold War relic

T. P. Sreenivasan

Revisiting the Indian Ocean zone of peace concept, which has led to long debates since 1971, may prove hazardous in the present context, because the rivalry that is taking shape in the region is between the U.S. and its allies, and China.

The National Security Adviser, Ajit Doval, has sought to revisit the U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 2832 (XXVI) declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, and which has called upon the great powers not to allow an escalation and an expansion of military presence in the Indian Ocean. (The Hindu, December 1, 2014). The expectation is that it can be used as a device to prevent China from holding sway in the Indian Ocean.
While the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace (IOZOP), in its original form, appears relevant in the present context, the innumerable problems India has faced on account of the resolution and the U.N. Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean must be recalled before we take any formal initiative in this regard. Sri Lanka, our comrade in arms in the IOZOP initiative, has played games with us even in the happier days of India-Sri Lanka relations and when China was not in the picture. The new narrative in the Indo-Pacific may not be congenial to depending on Sri Lanka or any other neighbour to deliver on the IOZOP in accordance with our interests.
The formulation

The idea of IOZOP goes back to the days of the 1964 Cairo Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, which had expressed concern over the efforts of the imperialists to establish bases in the Indian Ocean and declared that the Indian Ocean should not be a battleground for the big powers. The Lusaka Declaration (1970) refined the idea further and it led to the UNGA resolution, which proposed the IOZOP strictly in the context of the raging Cold War at that time.
The UNGA resolution said: “the Indian Ocean, within limits to be determined, together with the air space above and the ocean floor adjacent thereto, is hereby designated for all times as a zone of peace”. It went on to define the zone of peace not as one where there was an absence of war or of a state of peace and tranquillity, but specifically about the great powers halting and eliminating all bases, military installations and logistical facilities, and the disposition of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. It also envisaged universal collective security in the region without military alliances. Ships would have the right to unimpeded use of the zone, except warships posing a threat to the littoral and hinterland states of the region.
In subsequent years, in the Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, which was set up under the aegis of the U.N. disarmament machinery, the concept divided rather than united permanent members and the littoral and hinterland states. The permanent members, except China, did not support the original resolution. France, the United States and the United Kingdom kept out of the committee as they felt that they had been directly targeted and the Soviet Union had participated in the work of the committee, paying lip service to the notion of a zone of peace. Australia was the spokesperson of the West, which raised questions on the feasibility of the elimination of foreign military presence.
Regional interpretations

Till the end of the Cold War, India stuck to the purist interpretation of the zone as an area free of foreign military presence, particularly bases and other facilities, conceived in the context of great power rivalry. Implicitly, India did not object to the movement of warships, as long as they did not threaten the regional states. Indira Gandhi reiterated this position at a press conference in Moscow, making the Soviet presence legitimate, even though there were reports that the Soviet Union was seeking to establish bases in Somalia and elsewhere.
The innumerable problems India has faced on account of the U.N. resolution and the U.N. Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean must be recalled before we take any formal initiative in this regard.
After a meeting of the littoral and hinterland states in 1979, India became acutely aware of a hidden agenda on the part of Sri Lanka and others to draw attention to the increasing strength of India, posing a threat to the smaller states in the region. Sri Lanka was not loath to have an American presence in the Indian Ocean as a stabilising factor. President Jayewardene said at one point that he did not know whether Sri Lanka wanted the Americans to get out of the Indian Ocean and even hinted that the interests of regional countries differed.
Pakistan began to emphasise “denuclearization” of the Indian Ocean after the Indian tests of 1974 and took the initiative of a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in South Asia, which was strongly opposed by India. The polarisation was palpable in the Adhoc Committee. Consequently, the possibility of a Colombo Conference to implement the Declaration became remote. India did not find it helpful to hold the Colombo conference without the participation of the great powers. Nor did India participate fully in the Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Cooperation (IOMAC) on the plea that it detracted from the concept of the zone of peace by inviting the great powers to it.
A fallout of the debate in the Indian Ocean Committee was that India and Australia had become antagonistic to each other. Australia began complaining about the growth of the Indian Navy and also countered India at disarmament forums, particularly at the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) negotiations. At one point, K. Subrahmanyam maintained that the confrontation in the Indian Ocean should be treated as being triangular rather than bipolar as he felt that the military presence of the super powers was directed against the autonomy of the Non-Aligned countries.
China had taken a position of tactical support to the zone, as its presence in the Indian Ocean was not in focus. As a proclaimed supporter of the developing countries, China expressed solidarity for the littoral and hinterland states in seeking to eliminate foreign military presence. The focus on the Indian capabilities, which emerged in this context, was also a welcome development for China. It claimed legitimacy for itself as a permanent member of the Security Council and as an Asian power.
Shift in focus

After the end of the Cold War, the dynamics in the Committee underwent a sea change, with India itself shifting the focus of the zone of peace from the elimination of foreign military presence to one of cooperation between the major powers and the littoral and hinterland states. The debate became increasingly an embarrassed ritualisation of the demilitarisation effort. India’s joint exercises in the Ocean with multiple partners legitimised the presence of various navies including that of the U.S.
The Adhoc Committee soldiered on without a particular focus, merely recalling the old resolution and emphasising the need for the permanent members and major maritime users to join in an effort to bring about a balance in the Indian Ocean. From an arena of the Cold War, the Committee became ritualistic without a clear focus or agenda. Naturally, new threats, such as piracy, terrorism, drug trafficking, etc were brought in, making it a forum to combat non-state actors rather than the great powers.
Revisiting the zone of peace concept, which has led to the long debates since 1971 may prove hazardous in the present context, because the rivalry that is taking shape in the region is between the U.S. and its allies, and China. With the kind of support China demonstrated in Kathmandu among the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) countries, it is possible that the zone of peace idea will turn into a move to counter the U.S. as a foreign presence and to seek some balance between India and China in the Indian Ocean. China might well gain a status similar to India and strengthen its capabilities there. International focus on India’s naval acquisitions, present and future, may well become counterproductive. According to Admiral Arun Prakash, there are not many navies, worldwide, which have seen, in recent years, or are likely to see such significant accretions to their order-of-battle. “This force build-up, once complete, will not only enhance the Navy’s combat capability by an order of magnitude, but would also alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region.”
A way out

The greatest resistance to the revival of the IOZOP will come from those who will argue that the idea itself is outdated as the Cold War and great power rivalry are non-existent. They are likely to remind us that we ourselves had stressed the Cold War angle more than anything else. Others will begin highlighting the spirit of cooperation that has dawned in the Indian Ocean and lamenting that India is reviving old ghosts. The U.S. may also look at the concept negatively as it will impinge on its own activities. China will marshal support to campaign against the concept of the zone, from which they are sought to be excluded. In other words, a new IOZOP will have even less chance of success than the old one.
A strategy of enhancing cooperation between the littoral and hinterland states and external powers without the reference to the IOZOP may have a greater chance of success. India has special strengths in combating piracy, alleviating natural disasters and trafficking. The involvement of the U.S. in fighting terrorism may be of an advantage. China has already taken note of India’s inclinations in the Asia-Pacific and offered cooperation to avoid the “Asia Pivot” and to adopt an alternative Chinese vision. An opportunity exists for us to develop a third plan of engagement between the regional countries and external forces for fruitful cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.
(T.P. Sreenivasan was India’s representative to the U.N. Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean from 1980 to 1983 and from 1992 to 1995.)


International» World

Updated: March 23, 2014 08:50 IST

In Indian Ocean waters, India, China show maritime prowess

Ananth Krishnan
Comment(3)   ·   print  ·   T  T  
Earlier this week, China requested India for permission to deploy four naval vessels in the waters of the Andaman Sea, as the search for the missing Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 widened across the waters of the Indian Ocean.
India turned down the Chinese offer to search its own backyard, and replied to the formal request by detailing its extensive search efforts under way in the Indian Ocean, including the deployment of four naval warships and the new P-8I aircraft, all demonstrating the capabilities of the Indian Navy.
The search for MH370 is undoubtedly an entirely humanitarian exercise, and one that has become unprecedented both in scale and in terms of international cooperation - a dozen countries, including several embroiled in maritime disputes over the South China Sea, have put aside their spats as they have willingly followed Malaysia's lead in the search for the Boeing.
At the same time, the search has also served to demonstrate the new capabilities of the navies of Asia - navies that have been fast modernising at a time of record increases in military spending across the region.
China's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has in recent days rapidly deployed eight vessels to scour the South China Sea. On Friday, warships were sent to search the southern Indian Ocean, where four Indian naval warships are also deployed in the search for debris.
Experts in India and China said this week the search has underlined an often ignored aspect of India-China relations.
While the long-running boundary dispute across the Himalayas has remained at the focus of attention for most observers, the fast-expanding engagement - and encounters - between their navies as they spread their presence across the Indian and Pacific Oceans has sometimes been ignored, said Lou Chunhao, a strategic affairs expert at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations in Beijing.
"Now, China under [President] Xi Jinping is paying more attention to 'going west', and as India 'looks east', there will be more interaction [in the Indian and Pacific oceans]," he said.
Mr. Lou was speaking at a rare event in Beijing highlighting India-China relations in the maritime domain. The event was being held to mark the launch of what is possibly the first ever Chinese translation of an Indian book on foreign policy, according to the Chinese publishers, authored by foreign affairs expert C. Raja Mohan on the growing India-China maritime rivalry.
"China's dependence on the Indian Ocean region is continuing to grow, for energy imports from the Gulf, resources from Africa, and trade with Europe," Mr. Raja Mohan said.
Since December 2008, China has been involved in Gulf of Aden anti-piracy operations. Earlier this year, the PLAN held its first-ever major exercise in the Lombok Strait in the southern Indian Ocean.
This year, President Xi Jinping also launched a new "maritime silk road" initiative aimed at boosting trade links and maritime engagement with littoral countries in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
With China's maritime presence in the Indian Ocean set to expand along with its economic interests, the question for India - and its strategic community - was how to engagement with this new reality.
"You cannot build a great wall against Chinese maritime presence," Mr. Raja Mohan said.
In India, most commentaries still highlight China's so-called "string of pearls", referring to port projects China is involved in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Bangladesh that some analysts suggest may later become military bases, although there is, as yet, no evidence to suggest so.
China has maintained these are purely commercial. "Chinese ships going to the Indian Ocean region and the only purpose is for security of energy supplies," said Ma Jiali, a senior South Asia scholar at the China Reform Forum. About the Hambantota project in Sri Lanka, he said it was to be remembered that the project was first offered to India, which turned it down.
Mr. Raja Mohan said Indian and Chinese strategic communities were "talking past each other for most of the time". He hoped the translation of his book would "begin a process of getting Chinese books translated into English, and Indian books into Chinese, and getting strategic communities to understand each other a lot better".
His book has been translated by the official China Publisher Group. Xiao Qiming, who heads the China Democracy and Legal System Publishing House, which is a subsidiary, said the idea was to begin direct interaction between both countries on strategic issues, rather than, as was the case at present, rely on third-party works from western sources.
"By publishing in China, this will given an opportunity for us to understand political and diplomatic ideas of India, and we hope this will add value to taking forward maritime cooperation between the two countries," he said. 



While I see no reason for the Chinese Navy to ‘audit’ the Indian
Navy’s search, I don’t understand what is so secret about the waters
around the Andaman Islands that the Indian Navy seems to be so
sensitive about. Time and time again the armed forces have come in the
way of harnessing the commercial potential of the strategically placed
islands. Learn from next-door Singapore, a tiny island country, which
has used its location to develop into a regional economic powerhouse.
And, ironically, that fact ensures its safety.
Btw, it was rather sad to know that Indian radars in these ‘sensitive’
islands were found sleeping when the missing plane could have been
passing by. Good surveillance job indeed!!

from:  S salim
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 15:10 IST

China never leaves any opportunity to show its growth let it be in Industrial sector or defence. The recent example of China's initiative for search operation in the MH370 is one more in the basket. India on the other hand specially at International arena lacks the leadership skill. Even She has failed at regioal level e.g. SAARC and BIMSTEC are struggeling for its survival.

from:  ashwin
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 09:36 IST

With its past aggression on territorial expansion, China seems to be doing more harm to its economic interests especially with India. Countries all over the world are now realising China's true style of international diplomacy – one that is ruthlessly opportunistic and selfish and misdirected by egotistic approach of their leaders.

from:  Hari
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 07:15 IST

Copyright© 2014, The Hindu 

 

The Indian Ocean Region
Declaration of the Indian Ocean  as a Zone of Peace
UN General Assembly Resolution 2832 (XXVI) 
16 December 1971
The item "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace" was included in the agenda of the 26th General Assembly in 1971 at the initiative of Sri Lanka and, subsequently, the United Republic of Tanzania. It led to the adoption of Resolution 2832 (XXVI), by which the Indian Ocean, within limits to be determined, together with the airspace above and the ocean floor subjacent thereto, was designated for all times as a zone of peace. In 1972, the General Assembly established the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, to study practical measures to achieve the objectives of the Declaration.  At the Ad Hoc Committee on Indian Ocean, 451st Meeting (PM) on 26 July 2005 the representative of China "called for common efforts for countries inside and outside the region to maintain peace and stability in the region and to establish the Zone of Peace at an early date.  To that end, the major Powers outside the region should eliminate their military presence in the Indian Ocean region." 

Text of Declaration
The General Assembly,
Conscious of the determination of the peoples of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean to preserve their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to resolve their political, economic and social problems under conditions of peace and tranquillity,
Recalling the Declaration of the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lusaka from 8 to 10 September 1970, calling upon all States to consider and respect the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace from which great Power rivalries and competition as well as bases conceived in the context of such rivalries and competition should be excluded, and declaring that the area should also be free of nuclear weapons,
Convinced of the desirability of ensuring the maintenance of such conditions in the Indian Ocean area by means other than military alliances, as such alliances
entail financial and other obligations that call for the diversion of the limited resources of the States of the area from the more compelling and productive task of economic and social reconstruction and could further involve them in the rivalries of power blocs in a manner prejudicial to their independence and freedom of action, thereby increasing international tensions,
Concerned at recent developments that portend the extension of the arms race into the Indian Ocean area, thereby posing a serious threat to the maintenance of such conditions in the area,
Convinced that the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean would contribute towards arresting such developments, relaxing international tensions and strengthening international peace and security,
Convinced further that the establishment of a zone of peace in an extensive geographical area in one region could have a beneficial influence on the establishment of permanent universal peace based on equal rights and justice for all, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
1. Solemnly declares that the Indian Ocean, within limits to be determined, together with the air space above and the ocean floor subjacent thereto, is hereby designated for all time as a zone of peace;
2. Calls upon the great Powers, in conformity with this Declaration, to enter into immediate consultations with the littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to:
(a) Halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean;
(b) Eliminating from the Indian Ocean all bases, military installations and logistical supply facilities, the disposition of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction and any manifestation of great Power military presence in the Indian Ocean conceived in the context of great Power rivalry;
3. Calls upon the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, the permanent members of the Security Council and other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean, in pursuit of the objective of establishing a system of universal collective security without military alliances and strengthening international security through regional and other co-operation, to enter into consultations with a view to the implementation of this Declaration and such action as may be necessary to ensure that:
(a) Warships and military aircraft may not use the Indian Ocean for any threat or use of force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of any littoral or hinterland State of the Indian Ocean in contravention of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations;
(b) Subject to the foregoing and to the norms and principles of international law, the right to free and unimpeded use of the zone by the vessels of all nations is unaffected;
(c) Appropriate arrangements are made to give effect to any international agreement that may ultimately be reached for the maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the General Assembly at its twenty-seventh session on the progress that has been made with regard to the implementation of this Declaration;
5. Decides to include in the provisional agenda of its twenty-seventh session an item entitled "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace".

Ad hoc committee on Indian ocean adopts report to General Assembly, 26 July 2005
Ad Hoc Committee on Indian Ocean, 451st Meeting (PM)

Over the years, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean had not been able to reach agreement on the manner of implementation of the 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, but the validity of the objectives and the vision of the Declaration remained unchanged, its Chairman Prasad Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) told the Committee today.

The General Assembly declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace by resolution 2832 (1971).  It called upon the great Powers to enter into immediate consultations with the littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean.  The Declaration upheld the need to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States of the Indian Ocean region and sought to resolve political, economic and social issues affecting the region under conditions of peace and security.

Speaking as the Committee met to adopt its report to the Assembly, Mr. Kariyawasam said that, since the adoption of the Declaration, the situation in the world, particularly in the Indian Ocean, had undergone a major transformation, including the end of super-Power rivalry which had prevailed in the context of the cold war.  Today, there were a number of cooperative initiatives aimed at bringing about socio-economic development, such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).  However, new threats, such as terrorism, were now affecting the regional stability and security.  Also, disarmament and arms control efforts in the region had lagged behind.  It was, therefore, clear that there was still ample room to develop measures to realize in general objectives of the Declaration.

The Ad Hoc Committee was the only United Nations body that had the capacity to address security issues in a broader sense involving all interrelated aspects, he continued.  A possibility now existed of exploring a new approach to the scope of the Committee’s work and it might even become necessary to consider revision of the Declaration.  There was a wide range of proposals, including that the Ad Hoc Committee should function as a forum for littoral and hinterland States, the permanent members of the Security Council and major maritime users to discuss their security interests.  Regrettably, three permanent members, namely, France, United Kingdom and the United States, had not yet changed their position on non-participation.

He said, following consultation with Committee members, there appeared to be a general sense that further time would be needed before the Committee could embark on any discussion on practical measures to ensure peace and stability in the Indian Ocean.  The Committee might, therefore, recommend that the General Assembly should allow further time for consultations on how measures in the Declaration could be considered in a more focused manner.

The representative of Indonesia said there was a need to develop a concrete and practical framework for regional cooperation and to establish a formal and pragmatic partnership.  The tsunami tragedy had underlined the imperative necessity for such a partnership.  The Asian-African Summit Meeting held in Jakarta in April had adopted a Declaration on Asian-African Partnership.  That partnership would create a region at peace with itself and the world at large.  The partnership was committed to strive for greater multilateralism and would promote a culture of peace and tolerance among religions and cultures.  It would also promote cooperation in such areas as trade, industry, finance, energy, health, tourism, agriculture and water resources.  Effective cooperation would require, among other things, capacity-building, technical assistance and joint efforts to mitigate natural disasters.
The representative of China called for common efforts for countries inside and outside the region to maintain peace and stability in the region and to establish the Zone of Peace at an early date.  To that end, the major Powers outside the region should eliminate their military presence in the Indian Ocean region.  All parties should observe principles such as non-aggression, equality and peaceful coexistence.  States in the region should not seek any armament in excess of their legitimate national defence needs and avoid accumulation of weapons of mass destruction.
The representative of Australia said that, regrettably, the Committee had yet to find a productive direction for its work.  The opportunity for substantive work in the Committee remained poor.  Time and resources devoted to the Committee should remain limited, until such a time that a work programme was agreed upon and substantive work could begin.

The Ad Hoc Committee adopted its agenda (document A/AC.159/L.135) and the draft report to the General Assembly (document A/AC.159/L.136), which was introduced by its Rapporteur, Modeste Randrianarivony (Madagascar).  The report recommended to the Assembly that the Chairman be requested to continue informal consultations with the members of the Committee and to report through the Committee to the Assembly at its sixty-second session.

In other action, the Ad Hoc Committee elected Mr. Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) as its Chairman, and Ben Milton (Australia) and Adam Tugio (Indonesia) as vice-chairs.  Filipe Chidumo (Mozambique) was re-elected as a vice-chair.

Current members of the Ad Hoc Committee are:  Australia, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Germany, Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritius, Mozambique, Netherlands, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Seychelles, Singapore, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Thailand, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia and Zimbabwe.  Nepal, South Africa and Sweden are observers.

The Ad Hoc Committee will meet again at a time to be announced.



U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION ON INDIAN OCEAN AS ZONE OF PEACE

International Legal Materials
Vol. 11, No. 1 (JANUARY 1972), pp. 217-219
Published by: American Society of International Law
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20690864

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...and I am Sid Harth





Santa Smriti is in Town

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Santa Smriti is in Town Irani's ministry to schools: Provide ...

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9 hours ago - Santa Smriti is in Town Irani's ministry to schools: Provide videos of Dec 25 celebrations Anubhuti Vishnoi New Delhi, December 15, 2014 | UPDATED 09:25 IST ...

Irani's ministry to schools: Provide videos of Dec 25 celebrations

Anubhuti Vishnoi New Delhi, December 15, 2014 | UPDATED 09:25 IST
HRD Minister Smriti IraniThe Smriti Irani-led Union Human Resource Development Ministry may have strongly denied instructing schools to celebrate Good Governance Day on Christmas - December 25 - the birthday of BJP stalwart Atal Bihari Vajpayee but in a circular issued last week the ministry even sought detailed reports and video recordings from schools on the activities undertaken on the day.
While Irani's ministry on Monday claimed the whole exercise was voluntary and it did not ask schools to stay open on Christmas, in the December 9 circular issued by the ministry's School Education Department, it asked for "a detailed report on the activities undertaken along with photographs, video recording may be uploaded on your department's website and also be sent to MHRD".
The circular further suggested that a range of activities may be held during the day apart from the CBSE's Expression series - an online and offline essay contest.
Well before the the Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti (NVS) issued its controversial circular to its schools on the same, the Union HRD ministry shot off a circular on December 9, 2014 to bodies like the NVS asking them to celebrate Good Governance Day on December 25 and also sought detailed reports from schools.
The circular - accessed by India Today - said clearly, "It has been decided to observe 25th December which is the birth anniversary of Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the former Prime Minister of India, and also Shri Madan Mohan Malviya as Good Governance Day. Referring to CBSE's communication on its Expression Series on Good Governance, the circular sent out by the HRD ministry's School Education Department further 'suggested' several kind of 'celebrations during the day'.
These suggestions were to hold declamation contests on topics related to Good Governance, quiz competitions, screening of documentaries and films on best practices in Good Governance organization  and other innovative programmes on problem solving. In fact, the NVS circular on the issue literally reproduced parts of the HRD ministry communication.
With the issue leading to an uproar in parliament, the HRD ministry on Monday issued a strong denial to reports on the issue and clarified, "CBSE has not directed any school to remain open on 25th December, 2014. The proposed instructions of the CBSE are to conduct an online essay competition on 24th and 25th December 2014, which is completely voluntary." It added that since Navodayas are residential schools, they may if they wish to - voluntarily - hold such activities.

Source: India Today


Smriti Irani slams TOI, says govt never ordered CBSE schools to remain open on Christmas



by FP Staff  Dec 16, 2014 07:47 IST

The HRD ministry appears to be embroiled in constant controversy these days. First it was PM Modi's speech on Teacher's Day which was aired after school hours, and made mandatory for students, then came the German-Sanskrit controversy in the middle of the term for Kendriya Vidyalayas and now the ministry has been accused of trying to ruin the Christmas holiday.
The top headline in this morning's Times of India claims that the Union government wants Christmas to be celebrated as 'good governance day' by CBSE schools to mark the birthdays of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Hindu Mahasabha leader Madan Mohan Malviya.
The report notes, "The BJP government wants CBSE to carry out various activities, like an essay competition, so that students' participation increases." According to TOI, the government-funded Navodaya schools in rural areas have already sent out a notice canceling the Christmas holiday.  Commissioner GS Bothyal. TOI claims, has asked Navodaya schools "to conduct quiz competitions, screen documentaries on best practices in good governance and perform other related activities on Christmas."
HRD minister Smriti Irani. PTI
HRD minister Smriti Irani. PTI
However HRD minister Smriti Irani had slammed the report on Twitter and said that no school has been asked to remain open on Christmas day. She tweeted saying that the essay competition is wholly online  and added that the reporter did not check with officials. Read her tweets below:
The TOI report claims that students will get the topic on 23 December, which gives them two days to get it written.  Irani also did not weigh in specifically on the Navodaya circular. The report has sparked off strong reactions on Twitter with some airing disbelief that the government could jeopardise Christmas for children, while other criticised TOI for publishing a false report. Check out some of the reactions below:

 Smriti Z Irani        @smritiirani
Dear @timesofindia deliberate mischief by ur reporter on the front page today. All schools closed for XMas, essay competition only online.

 Smriti Z Irani        @smritiirani
Dear @timesofindia I wish this reporter had the decency to at least check with people frm TOI who cover d HRD beat.... (1/3)

 Smriti Z Irani        @smritiirani
Dear @timesofindia even the essay competition online is VOLUNTARY.

 Times of India        @timesofindia
Govt wants schools to observe ‘good governance day’ on Christmas http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Govt-wants-schools-to-observe-good-governance-day-on-Christmas/articleshow/45516752.cms?utm_source=twitter.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=TOIIndiaNews 

 shilpi tewari@shilpitewari
The news about HRD giving a notice to schools to open on Christmas is WRONG!! SHAME @timesofindia !! They should apologise

For the Modi sarkar, this isn't the first time that it has faced criticism for taking over a school holiday. September 5 which is celebrated as Teacher's Day and usually meant a half-day or a holiday for kids was this year turned into Prime Minister speech day.
Interestingly the government choose not to have the speech played during early school hours, but at around 3 o' clock and all schools in India had to ensure that students listened to the speech. Some schools such as Bal Bharti in Noida even went so far as to insist on a test on the speech in order to ensure that students didn't skip the lecture.
The Times of India has not yet responded to Irani's tweets or demand for a retraction.

Source: FP

VHP to hold ‘Ghar Wapsi’ in Fatehpur




KANPUR: Unfazed by nationwide backlash, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, is all set to organise a series of 'Ghar Wapsi' (home coming) programmes in Fatehpur district from January 14 to February 16.

Fatehpur happens to be the constituency of controversial BJP leader and minister Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti.

The events, to be organised by Vishwa Hindu Parishad under its ongoing golden jubilee celebrations, are scheduled to be attended by firebrand VHP leaders Praveen Togadiya, Dineshji and Surendra Jain.

"The events will be organised on January 14, February 5 and 16 at Jahanabad, Thaveshwar and in the town area of Fatehpur," state convener of Bajrang Dal Virendra Pandey said while talking to TOI. Pandey claimed that there are nearly 1,000 families, earlier `dalits', living in Joshiyana, Arabpur and Michki areas of Haswa block, Bilanada, Radhanagar, Fareedpur, Sheetla Nagar, Khambapur, Isai Mohalla, Ganga Nagar colony, Abu Nagar and Redaiya pockets of the district.

A major chunk of them embraced Christianity from Hinduism, about 3 to 4 years ago. "Our workers have identified nearly 250 Christian families, out of which 80 were ready for 'home coming'. We don't lure or coerce anyone in the process," he said.

The VHP leader said that there are plans to conduct 'Ghar Wapsi' of 170 other families as soon as this target is met. SP Fatehpur Vinod Kumar Singh said that so far, no one from the outfit has approached them for permission to hold the event. "However, even if such a request is made, we will do a proper scrutiny before giving permission to the organisers to hold the events," he said.

Pandey said, "Why will we seek permission from anyone, as when people convert to Hinduism it is not 'conversion' but just `homecoming' and none can stop us from holding the events, slated to take place on January 14, February 5 and 16. The participants will be required to undergo a fire ritual, fast, bathe in a pond and chant Hindu prayers." In the next few days, VHP volunteers will work to spread its base in every such pockets of the district, he added. He said that all these families converted to Christianity from Hinduism in violation of the law on conversion that requires people to file affidavits affirming their consent to change their religion. Another senior VHP leader added that a Christian missionary by the name `World Vision' was taking advantage of division in Hindu castes and sub-castes and trying to promote Christianity in the country by setting up schools and hospitals in the name of charity.

"We appeal to all our Hindu brothers not get trap by Christian missionaries as we are ready to support Hindus, who are poor, unemployed and uneducated," he said. 
Source: TOI
...and I am Sid Harth


Of Religious Conversion and Stupid Hindus

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Of Religious Conversion and Stupid Hindus VHP to hold ...

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7 hours ago - Of Religious Conversion and Stupid Hindus VHP to hold 'Ghar Wapsi' in Fatehpur Faiz Rahman Siddiqui ,TNN | Dec 16, 2014, 09.55 AM IST READ MORE Vishwa ...

VHP to hold ‘Ghar Wapsi’ in Fatehpur




KANPUR: Unfazed by nationwide backlash, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, is all set to organise a series of 'Ghar Wapsi' (home coming) programmes in Fatehpur district from January 14 to February 16.

Fatehpur happens to be the constituency of controversial BJP leader and minister Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti.

The events, to be organised by Vishwa Hindu Parishad under its ongoing golden jubilee celebrations, are scheduled to be attended by firebrand VHP leaders Praveen Togadiya, Dineshji and Surendra Jain.

"The events will be organised on January 14, February 5 and 16 at Jahanabad, Thaveshwar and in the town area of Fatehpur," state convener of Bajrang Dal Virendra Pandey said while talking to TOI. Pandey claimed that there are nearly 1,000 families, earlier `dalits', living in Joshiyana, Arabpur and Michki areas of Haswa block, Bilanada, Radhanagar, Fareedpur, Sheetla Nagar, Khambapur, Isai Mohalla, Ganga Nagar colony, Abu Nagar and Redaiya pockets of the district.

A major chunk of them embraced Christianity from Hinduism, about 3 to 4 years ago. "Our workers have identified nearly 250 Christian families, out of which 80 were ready for 'home coming'. We don't lure or coerce anyone in the process," he said.

The VHP leader said that there are plans to conduct 'Ghar Wapsi' of 170 other families as soon as this target is met. SP Fatehpur Vinod Kumar Singh said that so far, no one from the outfit has approached them for permission to hold the event. "However, even if such a request is made, we will do a proper scrutiny before giving permission to the organisers to hold the events," he said.

Pandey said, "Why will we seek permission from anyone, as when people convert to Hinduism it is not 'conversion' but just `homecoming' and none can stop us from holding the events, slated to take place on January 14, February 5 and 16. The participants will be required to undergo a fire ritual, fast, bathe in a pond and chant Hindu prayers." In the next few days, VHP volunteers will work to spread its base in every such pockets of the district, he added. He said that all these families converted to Christianity from Hinduism in violation of the law on conversion that requires people to file affidavits affirming their consent to change their religion. Another senior VHP leader added that a Christian missionary by the name `World Vision' was taking advantage of division in Hindu castes and sub-castes and trying to promote Christianity in the country by setting up schools and hospitals in the name of charity.

"We appeal to all our Hindu brothers not get trap by Christian missionaries as we are ready to support Hindus, who are poor, unemployed and uneducated," he said. 

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Sid Harth
Stupidity, thy name is Hindu. Bunch of idiots. ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Disposing of the appeal, the Court HELD : 1.1. In view of the general functions of the Commission enumerated under section 9 of National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 which are only illustrative and not exhaustive, the Commission cannot be said to have transgressed its authority in entertaining representation, demands and counter-demands of members of Jain community for the status of `minority' Keeping in view the provisions of the Act, the recommendation made by the Commission in favour of the Jains is in the nature of advice and can have no binding effect. The power under section 2(c) of the Act vests in the Central Government which alone, on its own assessment, has to accept or reject the claim of status of minority by a community. [465-D-E] 1.2. After the verdict in TMA Pai Foundation case, the legal position stands clarified that henceforth the unit for determining status of both linguistic and religious minorities would be `state'. Henceforth, before the Central Government takes decision on claims of Jains as a `minority' under Section 2(c) of the Act, the identification has to be done on a state-wise basis. The power of Central Government has to be exercised not merely on the advice and recommendation of the Commission but on consideration of the social, cultural and religious conditions of the Jain community in each State. Statistical data produced to show that a community is numerically a minority cannot be the sole criterion. The provisions contained in the group of Article 25 to 30 is a protective umbrella against the possible deprivations of fundamental right of religious freedoms of religious and linguistic minorities. [465-F-G; 466-D-F] 2. Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their activities to maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the minority and majority classes. If, only on the basis of a different religious thought or less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth, education, power or social rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to the status of `minority' is considered and conceded, there would be no end to such claims in a society as multi-religious and multi-linguistic as India is. In a caste-ridden Indian society, no section or distinct group of people can claim to be in majority. If each minority group feels afraid of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual fear and distrust would be created posing serious threat to the integrity of our Nation. That would sow seeds of multi-nationalism in India. It is, therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a manner so as to prevent generating feelings of multinationalism in various sections of people of Bharat. The Commission instead of encouraging claims from different communities for being added to a list of notified minorities under the Act, should suggest ways and means to help create social conditions where the list of notified minorities is gradually reduced and done away with altogether. [472-C-F] T.M.A.
Sid Harth
Let the Commission gear its activities to keep them in right direction with the above constitutional perspective, principles and ideals in its view. With these observations and concluding remarks, this appeal stands disposed of as we do not find that any case is made out for grant of any relief to the appellants in exercise of writ jurisdiction of the High Court and hence, the appellate jurisdiction of this Court.
Sid Harth
The Commission instead of encouraging claims from different communities for being added to a list of notified minorities under the Act, should suggest ways and means to help create social conditions where the list of notified minorities is gradually reduced and done away with altogether. These concluding observations were required after the eleven judges Bench in TMA Pai Foundation Case (supra) held that claims of minorities on both linguistic and religious basis would be each State as a unit. The country has already been reorganized in the year 1956 under the States Reorganization Act on the basis of language. Differential treatments to linguistic minorities based on language within the state is understandable but if the same concept for minorities on the basis of religion is encouraged, the whole country, which is already under class and social conflicts due to various divisive forces, will further face division on the basis of religious diversities. Such claims to minority status based on religion would increase in the fond hope of various sections of people getting special protections, privileges and treatment as part of constitutional guarantee. Encouragement to such fissiparous tendencies would be a serious jolt to the secular structure of constitutional democracy. We should guard against making our country akin to a theocratic state based on multi- nationalism. Our concept of secularism, to put it in a nut shell, is that 'state' will have no religion. The states will treat all religions and religious groups equally and with equal respect without in any manner interfering with their individual rights of religion, faith and worship.
Sid Harth
The constitutional ideal, which can be gathered from the group of articles in the Constitution under Chapters of Fundamental Rights and Fundamental Duties, is to create social conditions where there remains no necessity to shield or protect rights of minority or majority. The above mentioned constitutional goal has to be kept in view by the Minorities Commissions set up at the Central or State levels. Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their activities to maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the minority and majority classes. If, only on the basis of a different religious thought or less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth, education, power or social rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to the status of 'minority' is considered and conceded, there would be no end to such claims in a society as multi-religious and multi- linguistic as India is. A claim by one group of citizens would lead to a similar claim by another group of citizens and conflict and strife would ensue. As such, the Hindu society being based on caste, is itself divided into various minority groups. Each caste claims to be separate from the other. In a caste-ridden Indian society, no section or distinct group of people can claim to be in majority. All are minorities amongst Hindus. Many of them claim such status because of their small number and expect protection from the State on the ground that they are backward. If each minority group feels afraid of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual fear and distrust would be created posing serious threat to the integrity of our Nation. That would sow seeds of multi-nationalism in India. It is, therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a manner so as to prevent generating feelings of multinationalism in various sections of people of Bharat.
Sid Harth
We have traced the history of India and its struggle for independence to show how the concept of minority developed prior to and at the time of framing of Constitution and later in the course of its working. History tells us that there were certain religious communities in India who were required to be given full assurance of protection of their religious and cultural rights. India is a country of people with the largest number of religions and languages living together and forming a Nation. Such diversity of religions, culture and way of life is not to be found in any part of the world. John Stuart Mill described India as "a world placed at closed quarters". India is a world in miniature. The group of Articles 25 to 30 of the Constitution, as the historical background of partition of India shows, was only to give a guarantee of security to the identified minorities and thus to maintain integrity of the country. It was not in contemplation of the framers of the Constitution to add to the list of religious minorities. The Constitution through all its organs is committed to protect religious, cultural and educational rights of all. Articles 25 to 30 guarantee cultural and religious freedoms to both majority and minority groups. Ideal of a democratic society, which has adopted right of equality as its fundamental creed, should be elimination of majority and minority and so called forward and backward classes. Constitution has accepted one common citizenship for every Indian regardless of his religion, language, culture or faith. The only qualification for citizenship is a person's birth in India. We have to develop such enlightened citizenship where each citizen of whatever religion or language is more concerned about his duties and responsibilities to protect rights of the other group than asserting his own rights. The constitutional goal is to develop citizenship in which everyone enjoys full fundamental freedoms of religion, faith and worship and no one is apprehensive of encroachment of his rights by others in minority or majority.
Sid Harth
Thus, 'Hinduism' can be called a general religion and common faith of India whereas 'Jainism' is a special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion. Jainism places greater emphasis on non-violence ('Ahimsa') and compassion ('Karuna'). Their only difference from Hindus is that Jains do not believe in any creator like God but worship only the perfect human-being whom they called Tirathankar. Lord Mahavir was one in the generation of Thirthankars. The Tirathankars are embodiments of perfect human-beings who have achieved human excellence at mental and physical levels. In philosophical sense, Jainism is a reformist movement amongst Hindus like Brahamsamajis, Aryasamajis and Lingayats. The three main principles of Jainism are Ahimsa, Anekantvad and Aparigrah. [See : 1) Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics Vol. 7 pg. 465; 2) History of Jains by A. K. Roy pgs. 5 to 23; and Vinoba Sahitya Vol. 7 pg. 271 to 284]. It is not necessary to go into greater details of philosophical and ideological beliefs and conduct of Jains. They have been dealt with in necessary detail in the recommendations of the National Commission for Minorities.
Sid Harth
There is a very serious debate and difference of opinion between religious philosophers and historians as to whether Jains are of Hindu stock and whether their religion is more ancient than the vedic religion of Hindus. Spiritual philosophy of Hindus and Jains in many respect is different but the quintessence of the spiritual thought of both the religions seems to be the same. The influence of Hindu vedic religion is quite apparent in the custom, style of living, belief and faith of Jains. Jains do not worship images or idols of Gods but worship their Tirathankars meaning their ideal personalities who have attained human perfection and excellence by a process of self-improvement. The literal meaning of the word 'Jain' is one who has attained 'victory'. It signifies a person who has attained victory over himself by the process of self-purification. 'Jain' is a religious devout who is continuously striving to gain control over his desires, senses and organs to ultimately become master of his own self. This philosophy is to some extent similar to the vedic philosophy explained by Lord Krishna in 'Bhagwat Geeta', where Lord Krishna describes qualities of a perfect human as 'Stithpragya'. Geeta has used the example of Tortoise to describe a balanced human-being as one who has gained full control over his organs like a Tortoise does which whenever needed, opens its limbs of body and when not needed, closes them.
Sid Harth
The so-called minority communities like Sikhs and Jains were not treated as national minorities at the time of framing the Constitution. Sikhs and Jains, in fact, have throughout been treated as part of the wider Hindu community which has different sects, sub-sects, faiths, modes of worship and religious philosophies. In various codified customary laws like Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act, Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act and other laws of pre and post- Constitution period, definition of 'Hindu' included all sects, sub-sects of Hindu religions including Sikhs and Jains. The word 'Hindu' conveys the image of diverse groups of communities living in India. If you search for a person by name Hindu, he is unidentifiable. He can be identified only on the basis of his caste as upper caste Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaish or of lower caste described in ancient India as Shudras. Those who fall in the Hindu class of 'Shudras' are now included in the Constitution in the category of Scheduled Castes with special privileges and treatment for their upliftment. This was found necessary to bring them at par with upper castes in Hindu society. The aboriginals, who have no caste were considered as distinct from four castes or Varnas of Hindu society. They have been treated favourably in the Constitution as Scheduled Tribes. For them also there are provisions for special treatment and grant of special privileges to bring them on level with the other castes from the main advanced streams of Indian society.
Sid Harth
"1.314. Azad passionately believed in Hindu-Muslim unity, but he found that from the mid-twenties Gandhi had lost interest in Hindu-Muslim unity and took no steps to secure it. Further, Azad had played a leading part in providing a framework for the Constitution of a free and united India on which the Cabinet Mission Plan was largely based, a Plan which offered India her last chance to remain united. However, Gandhi, Nehru and Patel destroyed the Plan, and accepted partition instead. Azad did his utmost to prevent the partition of India, but he failed to persuade Nehru and Gandhi not to accept partition." It is against this background of partition that at the time of giving final shape to the Constitution of India, it was felt necessary to allay the apprehensions and fears in the minds of Muslims and other religious communities by providing to them special guarantee and protection of their religious, cultural and educational rights. Such protection was found necessary to maintain unity and integrity of free India because even after partition of India, communities like Muslims and Christians in greater numbers living in different parts of India opted to continue to live in India as children of its soil. It is with the above aim in view that the framers of the Constitution engrafted group of Articles 25 to 30 in the Constitution of India. The minorities initially recognized were based on religion and on national level e.g. Muslims, Christians, Anglo-Indian and Parsis. Muslims constituted the largest religious minority because Mughal period of rule in India was longest followed by British rule during which many Indians had adopted Muslim and Christian religions. Parsis constituted a numerically smaller minority. They had migrated from their native State Iran and settled on the shores of Gujarat adopting the Gujarati language, customs and rituals thus assimilating themselves into the Indian population.
Sid Harth
Many other revelations concerning competing claims for reservation of seats on religious basis can be gathered from the personal diary of prominent national leader late Abdul Kalam Azad. The diary was made public, in accordance with his last wish only after 25 years of independence. The publication of Azad's diary made it necessary for constitutional expert H. M. Seervai to re-write his chapter under caption 'Partition of India Legend and Reality' in his book on 'Constitutional Law of India'. Many apprehensions and fears were expressed and disturbed the minds of the Muslims. They thought in democracy to be set up in India, the Hindus being in majority would always dominate and retain political power on the basis of their voting strength. There were also apprehensions expressed by many prominent Muslim leaders that there might be interference with and discouragement to their cultural, religious and educational rights. Abdul Kalam Azad acted as mediator in negotiations between the national leaders of the times namely late Nehru and Patel on one side and late Jinnah and Liaqat Ali on the other. Nehru and Patel insisted that in the new Constitution, there would be one united India belonging to people of various religious faiths and cultures with all having full freedom of their social, cultural, religious and other constitutional rights. They advocated one single citizenship to every Indian regardless of his language or religion. The opposing group of Muslim leaders, in the interest of members of their community, insisted on providing to them participation in democratic processes proportionate to their ratio of population and thus counter-balance the likely domination of Hindu majority. They also insisted that separate electoral constituencies based on their population be formed and seats be reserved for them in different parts of India. Late Abdul Kalam Azad tried his utmost to find a midway and thus break the stalemate between the two opposing groups but Nehru and Patel remained resolute and rejected the proposal of Jinnah and Liaqat Ali. The tragic result was that provinces with the highest Muslim population in the erstwhile States of Sindh, Punjab and Baluchistan had to be ceded to form a separate theocratic nation - Pakistan. See the following paragraph 1.314 at pg. 153 of 'Constitutional Law of India' by H.M. Seervai, Fourth Edition, Vol.I :-
Sid Harth
The history of the struggle for independence of India bears ample testimony of the fact that the concept of 'minorities' and the demands for special care and protection of their religious and cultural rights arose after bitter experience of religious conflicts which intermittently arose in about 150 years of British Rule. The demand of partition gained momentum at the time the Britishers decided to leave by handing over self-rule to Indians. The Britishers always treated Hindus and Muslims as two different groups of citizens requiring different treatment. To those groups were added Anglo-Indians and Christians as a result of large scale inter-marriages and conversions of several sections of communities in India to Christianity. Prior to passing of the Independence Act of India to hand over self-rule to Indians, Britishers in the course of gradually conceding some democratic rights to Indians, contemplated formation of separate constituencies on reservations of certain seats in legislature in proportion to the population of Hindus and Muslims. That attempt was strongly resisted by both prominent Hindu and Muslim national leaders who had jointly and actively participated in the struggle for independence of India. The attempt of the Britishers to form separate electorates and make reservations of seats on the basis of population of Hindus and Muslims, however, ultimately led to revival of demand for reservations of constituencies and seats in the first elected government to be formed in free India. Resistance to such demands by Hindu and some Muslim leaders ultimately led to partition of India and formation of separate Muslim State presently known as Pakistan.
Sid Harth
Henceforth, before the Central Government takes decision on claims of Jains as a 'minority' under section 2(c) of the Act, the identification has to be done on a state basis. The power of Central Government has to be exercised not merely on the advice and recommendation of the Commission but on consideration of the social, cultural and religious conditions of the Jain community in each state. Statistical data produced to show that a community is numerically a minority cannot be the sole criterion. If it is found that a majority of the members of the community belong to the affluent class of industrialists, businessmen, professionals and propertied class, it may not be necessary to notify them under the Act as such and extend any special treatment or protection to them as minority. The provisions contained in the group of Articles 25 to 30 is a protective umbrella against the possible deprivations of fundamental right of religious freedoms of religious and linguistic minorities. The recommendation in favour of Jains by the National Minority Commission was made before the Eleven Judges' Bench of this Court in TMA Pai case (supra) had clarified the concept of 'minority' for the purpose of extending constitutional protection. It is not for this court to issue any direction or mandate on the basis of the claim of some members of the Jain community, which is opposed to by another section of the same community. Before parting with this case, this Court cannot resist from making some observations which are considered necessary in order to remind the National and State Commissions for Minorities, the scope and nature of their functions under the provisions of the Act and the role they have to play in constitutional perspective.
Sid Harth
After the verdict in the eleven judges' Bench in TMA Pai Foundation case (supra), the legal position stands clarified that henceforth the unit for determining status of both linguistic and religious minorities would be 'state'. This position is doubly clear not only from the answer given in conclusion to question no. 1 quoted above but also the observations contained in paras 76 and 81 of the majority judgment quoted hereinafter. "76. If, therefore, the State has to be regarded as the unit for determining "linguistic minority" vis-`-vis Article 30, then with "religious minority" being on the same footing, it is the State in relation to which the majority or minority status will have to be determined. 81. As a result of the insertion of Entry 25 into List III, Parliament can now legislate in relation to education, which was only a State subject previously. The jurisdiction of Parliament is to make laws for the whole or a part of India. It is well recognized that geographical classification is not violative of Article 14. It would, therefore, be possible that, with respect to a particular State or group of States, Parliament may legislate in relation to education. However, Article 30 gives the right to a linguistic or religious minority of a State to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. The minority for the purpose of Article 30 cannot have different meanings depending upon who is legislating. Language being the basis for the establishment of different States for the purposes of Article 30, a "linguistic minority" will have to be determined in relation to the State in which the educational institution is sought to be established. The position with regard to the religious minority is similar, since both religious and linguistic minorities have been put on a par in Article 30." [Emphasis added]
Sid Harth
The main task of the Commission shall be to evaluate the progress of the development of minorities, monitor the working of the safeguards provided in the Constitution for the protection of the interests of minorities and in laws enacted by the Central Government or State Governments, besides looking into the specific complaints regarding deprivation of rights and safeguards of the minorities. It shall also cause studies, research and analysis to be undertaken on the issues relating to socio-economic and educational development of the minorities and make recommendations for the effective implementation of the safeguards for the protection and interests of minorities by the Central Government or State Governments. It may also suggest appropriate measures in respect of any minority to be undertaken by the Central Government or State Government." The Commission set up under the Act has several functions to perform, which are provided, in section 9. The functions entrusted are for ensuring progress and development of minorities and protecting their religious, cultural and educational rights. There is no specific function conferred under section 9 on the Commission to identify any community as a 'minority' and recommend to the Central Government that it be so notified under section 2(c) of the Act. On considering the general functions of the Commission enumerated under section 9 which are only illustrative and not exhaustive, the Commission cannot be said to have transgressed its authority in entertaining representation, demands and counter- demands of members of Jain community for the status of 'minority'. Keeping in view the provisions of the Act, the recommendation made by the Commission in favour of the Jains is in the nature of advice and can have no binding effect. The power under section 2(c) of the Act vests in the Central Government which alone, on its own assessment, has to accept or reject the claim of status of minority by a community.
Sid Harth
The Minorities Commission with statutory status would infuse confidence among the minorities about the working and the effectiveness of the Commission. It would also carry more weight with the State Governments/ Union Territory Administrations and the Ministries/ Departments and the other Organizations of the Central Government. It has, therefore, been decided to give statutory status to the Minorities Commission by the proposed legislation. The National Commission for Minorities will consist of a Chairperson and six members.
Sid Harth
English word (thus-) censored. The whole comment censored. Stupid Mi Diya
Sid Harth
In the background of constitutional scheme, the provisions of the Act therefore instead of giving definition of 'minority' only provide for notifying certain communities as 'minorities' who might require special treatment and protection of their religious, cultural and educational rights. The definition of 'minority' given under the Act in section 2(c) is in fact not a definition as such but only a provision enabling the Central Government to identify a community as a 'minority' which in the considered opinion of the Central Government deserves to be notified for the purpose of protecting and monitoring its progress and development through the Commission.
Sid Harth
Learned counsel representing the claim of the members of the Jain community before this court further submitted that in accordance with section 2(c) of the Act, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Zoroastrians (Parsees) have already been notified as minority communities for the purpose of the Act and the Jains having substantiated their claim of being a religious minority, the refusal to notify them as such under the Act is unjustified and abdication of statutory powers of the Central Government. We have heard Learned Additional Solicitor General Shri B. Dutta, appearing for the Central Government who merely reiterated the stand taken in the affidavit filed on behalf of the government that in view of the judgment in TMA Pai case (supra), the Central Government henceforth will have no role to play. It is for the respective State Governments to take decision on the claim of Jains depending upon their social condition in the respective states. The expression 'minority' has been used in Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution but it has nowhere been defined. The Preamble of the Constitution proclaims to guarantee every citizen 'liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith & worship'. Group of Articles 25 to 30 guarantee protection of religious, cultural and educational rights to both majority and minority communities. It appears that keeping in view the constitutional guarantees for protection of cultural, educational and religious rights of all citizens, it was not felt necessary to define 'minority'. Minority as understood from constitutional scheme signifies an identifiable group of people or community who were seen as deserving protection from likely deprivation of their religious, cultural and educational rights by other communities who happen to be in majority and likely to gain political power in a democratic form of Government based on election.
Sid Harth
After the decision of the eleven judges' Bench case (supra), additional affidavit by the Central Government through its Joint Secretary, Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment has been filed. The stand now taken by the Central Government in this appeal before this court is that in accordance with the law laid down by the majority opinion in the TMA Pai case (supra), it is "for the State Government to decide as to whether the Jain community should be treated as a minority community in their respective states after taking into account their circumstances/conditions in that state". It is also informed that the State Governments of Chhatisgarh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal have already notified Jains as 'minority' in accordance with the provisions of the respective State Minority Commissions Act. Learned Counsel U.U. Lalit, in the light of law declared in the decision of the eleven judges' Bench (supra) and the consequent stand taken by the Central Government, strenuously urged that for the purpose of notifying a community as 'minority' at the national level, the Central Government, which is empowered to consider the claim of a particular community for being notified as such under section 2(c), cannot shirk its statutory responsibility. It is argued that the legal position explained by the majority view in the eleven judges Bench case that State Governments can determine the minority status of a community in states formed on linguistic basis under States Reorganisation Act, 1956 does not render the power of Central Government under section 2(c) of the Act redundant.
Sid Harth
"What is the meaning and content of the expression "minority" in Article 30 of the Constitution of India?" The answer in the opinion of majority in the Bench of eleven judges speaking through Kirpal, CJ (as he then was) is the following :- Ans: Linguistic and religious minorities are covered by the expression "minority" under Article 30 of the Constitution. Since reorganization of the States in India has been on linguistic lines, therefore, for the purpose of determining the minority, the unit will be the State and not the whole of India. Thus, religious and linguistic minorities, who have been put on a par in Article 30, have to be considered statewise.
Sid Harth
three lines censored
Sid Harth
During the pendency of this appeal, the eleven judges' Bench decision in TMA Pai was delivered and the decision is reported in 2002 (8) SCC 481.
Sid Harth
This appeal stood adjourned on several dates awaiting the judgment in the TMA Pai Foundation case. In the counter affidavit filed the Central Government stated that they would abide by the judgment of the eleven judges' Bench in TMA Pai Foundation case and thereafter consider the claim of Jains to the status of minority community under the Act.
Sid Harth
The High Court of Bombay by the impugned order simply disposed off the petition on the ground that the claim of varous communities to the status of 'minority' for purpose of seeking constitutional protections is one of the main issues pending before a bench of eleven judges of this court in the case of TMA Pai Foundation [2002 (8) SCC 481].
Sid Harth
Supreme Court Of India JUDGEMENT INFORMATION SYSTEM Order CASE NO.: Appeal (civil) 4730 of 1999 PETITIONER: Bal Patil & Anr. RESPONDENT: Union of India & Ors. DATE OF JUDGMENT: 08/08/2005 BENCH: Chief Justice of India,D. M. Dharmadhikari & P. K. Balasubramanyan JUDGMENT: J U D G M E N T Dharmadhikari J. The appellant is an organization representing a section of Jain community. It approached by writ petition the High Court of Bombay seeking issuance of a mandamus/direction to the Central Government to notify 'Jains' as a 'minority' community under section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 (shortly referred to as the Act). Section 2(c) of the Act defines minority thus :- "Minority, for the purposes of this Act, means a community notified as such by the Central Government;"
Sid Harth
Describing the passing of the amendment by the Gujarat Assembly as a "matter of great concern", the commission demanded an immediate reversal of the decision. The BJP government in Gujarat on Tuesday passed an amendment in the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act clubbing Jainism and Buddhism with Hinduism. Intimidated by the move by the Gujarat government, the Buddhist Parliamentary Forum said "Buddhism is one of the great religions of the world and has its adherence in many lands.""Any move to impinge upon the distinct identity of Buddhism and its adherents would have ramifications that are best avoided," said Lama Sodpa, a leader of the forum. Calling an emergency meeting on the issue, the All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha said it will launch a protest against the move. "Any government, as per there convenience and agenda cannot afford to curb our right of a religious identity," NK Jain, president of the All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha, said. The Jain Mahasabha has also written a letter to Gujarat governor Naval Kishore Sharma to intervene in the matter and stop the state government from going ahead with any such move. The All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations has also reacted sharply to the move and has asked the state government to maintain right to religious freedom of an individual. "Every religion has its distinct identity. Religions like Buddhism and Jainism, have its origin dating back to more than two millenniums and this fact can in no way be negated," Confederation chairman Udit Raj said. Incidentally, one such statement by a top RSS leader few years ago suggesting Sikhs as a part of the Hindu fold had evoked widespread protest across the country.
Sid Harth
Minorities protest against Gujarat’s conversion law AGENCIES Sep 21, 2006, 03.58am IST NEW DELHI: A day after Gujarat government passed a controversial amendment to include Jains and Buddhists as part of the Hindu community, the move evoked sharp reactions here with the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) demanding a reversal of the decision and concerned community leaders seeking "freedom of identity". "The commission would urge the government to re-examine the matter as it affects the rights of a religious minority," NCM officials said, adding the commission has already received representations from the Buddhist organisations in the matter.
Sid Harth
I am least concerned if a person converts of his will but the hypocrisy of these politicians and Saffron organisations need to be exposed. Interestingly, for the saffron organisations who are against conversion, a change from Hinduism to Jainism never matters. As Jains are concentrated in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Marwar (Rajasthan) and Madhya Pradesh, people are not aware of the ground realities but Jains are undoubtedly the biggest proselytisers in India. And not an eyebrow is raised!
Sid Harth
In Panchmahal disrict of Gujarat thousands of tribals have been converted. Similar conversion is going on in rest of Gujarat. In Malwa (MP), an entire community of Dharampals have been converted and in Bihar, the whole Sarak community spread over four states (Bihar, WB, Jharkhand and Orissa) that was for years told by Jains to be the lost ‘Shravaks’ have been converted. The VHP-BJP can’t afford to lose the prosperous Jain merchants in India, East Africa, Europe and USA who send enormous funds to the Saffron organisations. So no matter how many Hindus get converted to Jainism, it will not be illegal in Gujarat. Of course, the same VHP would not let the Dhamma Sammelan to occur (for mass conversion to Buddhism) and surely any such function would be disrupted by the Bajrangis–take my word. In the census report of 2001, growth rate of Muslims had gone down from 33% to 29% and also the Hindu growth rate had declined markedly but Jains not only increased but surprised everybody as it was an exponential growth. Numerous reasons were given like that Agarwals many of whom follow Jain religion earlier registering themselves under Hindus but the fact is known to everybody.
Sid Harth
Gujarat Conversion Law Amended To Suit Jains! Posted on September 19, 2006 by Adnan Gujarat government has passed the amended anti-conversion law as per which Buddhists & Jains will now be treated as Hindus. It is aimed simply to please the prosperous Jains whose missionaries are converting tribals & other Hindus to Jain-fold. Saffronites don’t like conversion to Buddhism either but they have been added along with Jains to avoid further controversy as people could realise the deeper design then. Reality is that Jains dominate the VHP (Pravin Togadia is a Jain) that gets funds from Gujarati Jains and can’t afford to displease them. And the fact is that number of Hindu converts to all religions including Islam & Christianity are nothing compared to Jainism. From 1981-1991 growth of Jains was a mere 4.6% & it exploded to 26% in 1991-2001, which even census officials found strange.
Sid Harth
The Gujurat Freedom of Religion Bill is a bill concerning religious conversions in Gujurat, India. Gujarat Freedom of Religion (Amendment) Bill 2006 In order to regulate religious conversions, the Gujarat government is proposing an amendment[1] that will group Jainism and Buddhism along with Hinduism, and thus the adoption of any faith within the group will not be considered a conversion.[2] The bill passed by voice vote in the Gujarat assembly on September 29, 2006. All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha led by NK Jain opposed the move on September 20, 2006. He stated, "Any government, as per their convenience and agenda cannot afford to curb our right of a religious identity"[3] Bhartiya Dharma Rakshak Sena (BDRS), a small organisation said to be run by Jains, maintains that all religions in India are a part of Hinduism, "which is not a religion but a culture." In a press release, on September 22, 2006, Jasmin Shah, Piyush Jain and Abhay Shah of BDRS stated that the controversy is being promoted by forces who want to weaken Hinduism by creating minorities. They state that "Jainism is independent of Vedic religion, known as 'Hinduism'".[4] The BDRS members claimed that there four sub-sects in Jainism, out of which one, the Digambara sect, is demanding a minority status. On October 3, 2006 the predominant Jain sect in Gujarat, the Shwetambar Murtipujak Jain Sangh, held a meeting with state’s solicitor-general to assert that Jainism is a distinct religion and not a Hindu denomination. Shrenik Shah, Gujarat’s leading industrialist and president of the All India Shwetambar Murtipujak Jain Sangh, said that they had held a meeting with Gujarat’s solicitor-general and expressed their view to recognise Jainism as distinct religion. "We are not primarily concerned with the conversion aspect of the bill. But we have asserted our view that Jainism is a distinct religion," said Shah[5] Supreme Court of India's opinion In 2005, the Supreme Court of India declined to issue a writ of mandamus to grant Jains the status of a religious minority throughout India, and left it to the individual states to decide on the minority status of the Jain religion.[6] However, the Supreme Court had recently observed that "The Jain Religion is indisputably not a part of Hindu Religion".[7]
Sid Harth
Suppose VHP wins some of the converted Christians and induces them to come back. Waht exactly has taken place? Ceremonial show is over. Regular day starts. Would any Hindu treat these poor, ignorant folks with love, admiration and fellowship? Hindus have enslaved their 'Shudras,' for as long as their Aryanism days. They are not even ashamed of the inhuman treatment meted out to a large section of their own society. Some even openly practice and justify their religious authoritarianism. The dogma of 'rebirth,''punarjanma,' was propagated because even pious Shudras could not find peace or social status, forget about those who never accepted Aryan cosmology, God-concept. On the contrary, foreign Christian missionaries helped them to rise above with secular education, better relationship among all converted Hindus. Helping them with social, moral and spiritual problems. VHP is a political front, not religious branch. I wonder if they can help. Roman Catholics met with the same problem in the new world but manage to keep their flock together by allowing converts to retain their past beliefs and practices. Sort of amalgamating old with the new. Degradation is part of the problem. I see no movement among quiet Hindus and vocal Hindus as to how soon they would drop their farcical acts and behave like normal human beings, when it comes to addressing real social problems. Not in million years. ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Humiliating conditions Whereas in the 1980s the concern was over conversion to Islam, conversions to Christianity have been the source of worry in the 1990s. Yes, forced conversions are wrong. (And in some cases the converts have admitted to ridiculous logic of conversion given to them). But, what is worse is forcing masses of people to accept their humiliating conditions without protest, when they seem to have made a conscious decision to opt out of the Hindu fold as a form of symbolic protest. The BJP's election manifesto in Gujarat speaks of enacting a similar law in the State that has now become infamous for its persecution of Christian and Muslim minorities. In a democracy, the majority will inevitably benefit from the principle of `majority rule.' What we hope for are discerning majorities, who will vote and strive for meaningful democracy. ARPITA ANANT Research Scholar, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Source: Hindu ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Arguments of use of force and the indelible `foreign hand' in the conversion of low caste and poor people have been the impetus behind such enactments. In the case of the much agonised over Meenakshipuram conversion, the Home Ministry presented evidence of the extent of foreign support to these conversions. However there were several reports including one by the Regional Director of the SC/ST Federation that this conversion was a protest against the humiliation of untouchability suffered by the community. In Madhya Pradesh, one of the States in which the anti-conversion had been enacted decades ago, two priests and a nun were sentenced to imprisonment on the charge of forcible conversion by a Raigarh court. This despite a written communication sent to the District Magistrate, the SDM and the SO (Police) claiming they had changed their religion voluntarily and without any allurement (TOI, August 22, 2002). How valid are these concerns if it is true that in both Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, not a single case had been framed under this Act for more than three decades (Walter Fernandes, The Hindu, November 10, 1999). The true impetus for religious conversion will remain contested, and in all probability, it may never be established one way or the other, for the reality lies somewhere in between.
Sid Harth
Meaning of propagation In a prominent case challenging the validity of the Madhya Pradesh and Orissa Acts, Chief Justice A.N. Ray in Reverend Stainislaus v. State of Madhya Pradesh (AIR 1977 SC 908) and Yulitha v. State of Orissa and others ruled that propagation is different from conversion. Adoption of a new religion is freedom of conscience, while conversion would impinge on `freedom of choice' granted to all citizens alike. After examining the different meanings of the word "propagate" in Article 25(1), Justice Ray expressed the view that "what Article 25(1) grants is not the right to convert another person to one's own religion by exposition of its tenets." On the question of legislative competence, the court was of the opinion that since any attempt at conversion was likely to result in a breach of public order affecting the community at large, the State legislatures would have the competence to enact legislation which is likely to avoid disturbances to the public order by prohibiting conversion from one religion to another in a manner reprehensible to the conscience of the community. Commenting on this judgement, Justice P. Jaganmohan Reddy opined that since the court did not comment on the definitions in the two Acts of the expressions, namely, allurement, fraud, force, inducement, fraudulent means, etc., it was not possible to say whether these definitions affected the fundamental rights of the minorities to propagate their religion. Moreover, the court significantly overlooked the freedom of religion of the person getting converted. Conversion is equally the right of the person who is sought to be converted, as such it is of no consequence to him if it is not a part of the freedom of propagation of the religious group to which conversion is made, provided he is not subjected to force/fraud and inducement. In the aftermath of the Meenakshipuram conversion of February 1981, the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, is reported to have advised the State Governments and Union Territory administrations to enact laws to regulate change of religion on the lines of the existing Acts in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Arunachal Pradesh (The Statesman, Delhi, November 16, 1982). Let us keep in mind that the ruling party then was not the BJP, but the Congress (I).
Sid Harth
As early as 1967, it became evident that the concern was not just with forced conversion, but with conversion to any religion other than Hinduism and especially Christianity and Islam. In the Orissa and Madhya Pradesh Acts, the punishment was to be doubled if the offence had been committed in respect of a minor, a woman or a person belonging to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe community. These may be seen as further reinforcing the several statutory penalties for ceasing to be a Hindu such as the 1955-56 Hindu Law enactments namely Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956 (Section 6), Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act 1956 (Sections 7, 8, 9, 11, 18-24), Hindu Marriage Act 1955 (Sections 13 (ii), 13 A) and the Hindu Succession Act (section 26). The picture is complete if we account for the fact that most of these laws are aimed to keep the low caste Hindus within the fold of Hinduism. And so while law prohibits conversion, `reconversion' of low caste Hindus is permissible. If a low caste Hindu who had converted to another faith or any of his descendants reconverts to Hinduism, he might get back his original caste (Kailash Sonkar (1984) 2 SCC 91; S. Raja Gopal AIR 1969 SC 101).
Sid Harth
Legislative history The legislative history relating to the issue of conversion in India underscores the point that the authorities concerned were never favourably disposed towards conversion. While British India had no anti-conversion laws, many Princely States enacted anti-conversion legislation: the Raigarh State Conversion Act 1936, the Patna Freedom of Religion Act of 1942, the Sarguja State Apostasy Act 1945 and the Udaipur State Anti-Conversion Act 1946. Similar laws were enacted in Bikaner, Jodhpur, Kalahandi and Kota and many more were specifically against conversion to Christianity. In the post-independence era, Parliament took up for consideration in 1954 the Indian Conversion (Regulation and Registration) Bill and later in 1960 the Backward Communities (Religious Protection) Bill, both of which had to be dropped for lack of support. The proposed Freedom of Religion Bill of 1979 was opposed by the Minorities Commission due to the Bill's evident bias. However, in 1967-68, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh enacted local laws called the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act 1967 and the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantraya Adhiniyam 1968. Along similar lines, the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 1978 was enacted to provide for prohibition of conversion from one religious faith to any other by use of force or inducement or by fraudulent means and for matters connected therewith. The latest addition to this was the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion Ordinance promulgated by the Governor on October 5, 2002 and subsequently adopted by the State Assembly. Each of these Acts provides definitions of `Government', `conversion', `indigenous faith', `force', `fraud', `inducement' (and in the case of Arunachal, that of `prescribed and religious faith'). These laws made forced conversion a cognisable offence under sections 295 A and 298 of the Indian Penal Code that stipulate that malice and deliberate intention to hurt the sentiments of others is a penal offence punishable by varying durations of imprisonment and fines.
Sid Harth
Personally, I d not accept religious conversions of any kind. by force or by inducement. It is not easy for a grown up person to change his or her lifystyle, language, occupation or family and social beliefs/stigma. Islam and Christianity, both used inducement, yet could not prevent the newly converted folks to become caste-free. Not seen by all, the discrimination is obvious and gauling. Low caste members are not allowed to have anything to do with upper caste, not even eat together. No inter-caste marriages. Separate living accommodations, 'lattas,' sharing of village water well or common burial grounds. Anti-conversion laws The true impetus for religious conversion will remain contested, and in all probability, it may never be established one way or the other, for the reality lies somewhere in between. THE RECENT controversy concerning the enactment of the anti-conversion law in Tamil Nadu was characterised by two kinds of reactions. On the one hand there were those who proposed and voted for the legislation for political gains combined with concern that in the absence of such a law, `forcible' conversions would go unnoticed and unpunished. The opposing camp consisted of those belonging to minority communities who felt that such legislation was aimed at restricting the right to propagate religion, which is guaranteed by Article 25 of the Constitution. While these reactions tend to polarise masses of the communities concerned in particular instances, what is at stake here is the nature of Indian democracy, which provides the larger context for these arguments. It is therefore worth our while, whether we belong to the majority or the minority community, to ponder the issue historically, before we consolidate our opinions.

Source: TOI

...and I am Sid Harth

Vishva Hate Parishad, VHP

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Vishva Hate Parishad, VHP Saffron brigade puts 'ghar wapsi ...

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6 hours ago - Vishva Hate Parishad, VHP Saffron brigade puts 'ghar wapsi' on hold Rajeev Dikshit ,TNN | Dec 16, 2014, 11.06 AM IST READ MORE Vishwa Hindu Parishad'...

Where do Indian Muslims come from: RSS' Ghar Wapsi rests on colonial history of conversion

 by Ajaz Ashraf  Dec 16, 2014 15:56 IST

 

The Sangh Parivar’s fervour for reconverting Muslims and Christians to Hinduism, euphemistically described as Ghar Wapsi programme, is linked to its narrow, even flawed, reading of history. It is ironical that the Sangh should be closer to colonial interpretation of India’s past than even the ‘sicularists’ whom they love to deride.
In embracing this colonial interpretation, the Sangh has been inspired to attempt the impossible – convince or compel people to accept the myth that the past of Hinduism was not only glorious but also perfect and incomparable.
Critics of the Sangh’s imagining of the idyllic past point to the presence of Muslims and Christians in large numbers to ask: If the past was perfect, then why did a large segment of India’s population leave Hinduism to embrace Islam or Christianity?
The Sangh theory of conversion
It’s a question that irritates the Sangh no end. In its imagining, a people bestowed with such knowledge as to write the Vedas and the Upanishads, and also master the science of plastic surgery and nuclear tests, could not but have organised their society harmoniously. For it, therefore, the four-fold varna system was merely a division of labour to maximize the efficiency of the social system. It did not segregate people, nor was it discriminatory and exploitative.
But to impart credibility to this narrative the Sangh has to explain the conversion of Muslims and Christians as their presence in today’s India is an indelible blot on the picture of it having a perfect past. Thus they cite two reasons for their proselytization, reasons which do not indict Hindu society for evolving the exploitative caste system.
 AFP
AFP
One, the Muslim rulers of India, zealots all but for a few exceptions, offered the Hindu subjects the stark choice between being slaughtered and converting to Islam. In such circumstances, who wouldn’t opt for conversion? Two, the Hindu were lured into converting to Islam, and later to Christianity, through the offer of state patronage – such as land grants or jobs or measures which could facilitate trade or craft they were engaged in. In other words, both fear and allurement were deployed as state policies to wean away the Hindus from their religion.
Both these theories suffer from palpable weaknesses. If Muslim rulers were converting people ‘by the sword’, and had no qualms about shedding blood to fulfil their religious duties, why did they not covert all, particularly in those areas over which they enjoyed complete supremacy for centuries? Why did they not root out Hinduism altogether or substantially? Again, the theory of patronage may explain the conversion of some notable Hindu rajas and their followers, but can’t account for mass conversion.
The colonial view of conversion
These two theories – proselytizing by force and allurement – as well as the one which claims conversion was a consequence of certain social groups seeking liberation from the caste system were propounded during British rule. Colonial historians were then analysing the past to explain, as also justify, the advent of the British in India, besides harping on the inevitability of animosities between two religious communities – Hindus and Muslims.
Thus, from the perspective of these writers, Hindu society was weak – and therefore susceptible to conquest – because it had been organised to suit the interests of Brahmins and other upper castes. Such a social system created an oppressive social context from which lower castes sought to escape as soon as Muslims became India’s paramount power. This was because, it was argued, Islam emphasised on the equality of all.
Then again, since Muslims enjoyed power and unlike the new foreign rulers, the British, were barbaric, they used the sword to win new converts to their faith, believing proselytization was a noble act which endeared them to Allah. This theory had the inherent advantages of portraying British rule as benevolent as well as enabling it to harvest the past for the seeds of discord that could be sowed between Hindus and Muslims.
As Indians began to transform themselves into a nation and, as elsewhere, sought to tailor the past for this project, the theories about conversion had their distinct appeal for different sections. For the Hindu Right, or the Sangh, conversion by force and allurement skirted around the problems of the caste system and didn’t challenge its imagining of the idyllic past. It also neatly dovetailed with the Sangh’s idea, articulated so often in the last few months, that every Muslim or Christian was in the past a Hindu and should therefore call himself or herself as one.
So who became a Muslim?
The tenability of any theory about the past is always difficult to prove. This is also true of the three theories of conversion, which Richard M Eaton, professor at the University of Arizona, tears apart. In his essay, Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India, he raises a seminal question: Why is it that there is an “inverse relationship between the degree of Muslim political penetration and the degree of conversion to Islam?”
This question Eaton answers thus: “If conversion to Islam had ever been a function of military or political force (however these might have been expressed) one would expect that those areas of heaviest conversion would correspond to those areas of South Asia exposed most intensely and over the longest period to rule by Muslim dynasties.”
Citing data, he says the opposite seems to have been the case: “Those regions of the most dramatic conversion of the population, such as Eastern Bengal or Western Punjab, lay on the fringes of Indo-Muslim rule, whereas the heartland of that rule, the upper Gangetic Plain, saw a much lower incidence of conversion.”
Obviously, Eaton is talking of undivided, or pre-1947, India. Then the most densely populated Muslim areas were Eastern Bengal, Western Punjab, the Northwest Frontier, and Baluchistan. The bulk of the Muslim population in the Northwest Frontier and Baluchistan was not converted communities, but descendants of the immigrants from Iran. This means East Bengal and West Punjab witnessed the highest incidence of conversion, quite surprising as these two were the farthest from the epicenter of Muslim rule – the Agra-Delhi belt.
The other interesting aspect of this phenomenon, according to Eaton, is that the communities which converted to Islam in these two regions were not fully integrated into the Hindu social system at the time of their contact with Islam. In East Bengal, such social groups he identified were Rajbansi, Pod, Chandal, Koch, etc. In Punjab, innumerable Jat clans converted.
The Sangh should note what Eaton says, “Since the greatest incidence of Muslim conversions occurred among groups that were not fully Hindu in the first place, for the vast majority of South Asian Muslims the question of ‘liberation’ from the ‘oppressive’ Hindu social order was simply not an issue.” It may just be that the Sangh’s imagining of the past has been motivated by a fact it thinks is embarrassing and which it wants to camouflage, but which most likely wasn’t a significant factor in conversion.
So why did these communities in East Bengal and West Punjab convert? As Muslim rule pushed from the Centre, or the Delhi-Agra belt, to the periphery, it sought to settle its frontiers, claim arable land and establish an agriculture infrastructure to extract surplus revenue from the land. These communities were largely pastrol or forest-dwellers and their integration into the Hindu social system was nominal. They were not converted to Islam in the sense we understand today.
Moreover, their conversion was over centuries of socialization, brought about through Sufi saints, who were their immediate figures of veneration. For many of them, for centuries, Allah may have just an addition to the pantheon of deities endowed with supernatural powers.
Thus, for instance, in Bengal, the Ganges silted and shifted course in the 16th century, making huge tracts of land available for cultivation. This was also the period in which the Mughals had established their rule over Bengal. With the colonizing power moved Muslims and Sufis from North India. Those who were pastoral became peasants and were subsequently incorporated into the socio-economic structure. Since they weren’t integrated into Hinduism, as peasants in Uttar Pradesh were, and as Islam was the ideology of the state, their conversion to the new faith, from which they stood to gain, gradually happened, spread over centuries.
Much the same happened in west Punjab, where Jats migrated from Sindh. It appears they may have become agriculturists relatively quicker than their self-identity of being Muslim was formed and institutionalized. As Eaton notes, “In the early fifteenth century, 10 percent of recorded Sial (a Jat clan) males had Muslim names; for the mid-seventeenth century, 56 percent; for the mid-eighteenth century, 75 percent, and for the early nineteenth century, 100 percent. This is, I think, a most revealing index of the gradual process of group identity formation.”
After laying out the broad patterns of conversion centuries ago, and pointing to the ecological, political, and cultural-religious dimensions of the phenomenon, Eaton declares, “To the extent that this was the case, Islam, in India at least, may properly be termed more a religion of the plough than a religion of the sword, as formerly conceived. (Italics mine)”
But tell this to the Sangh activist and all that you will harvest are abuses. Indeed, there is no one history, but multiple histories; no one imagining of the past, but a bewildering multiplicity. The Sangh’s choice of a vision of the past is as self-serving, blinkered and unidimensional as that of the British.

Source: First Post

Saffron brigade puts ‘ghar wapsi’ on hold




VARANASI: Giving a hint to put 'ghar wapsi' campaign on backburner till the end of the winter session of Parliament, the saffron brigade will now focus on creating atmosphere to achieve its target of 're-converting' 10,000 people in east UP during events being organized as a part of Vishwa Hindu Parishad's golden jubilee year celebrations.

Why the VHP is changing tone on its 'ghar wapsi' (home coming) campaign became clear on Monday when its Kashi Pranth unit organizing secretary Manoj Srivastava refused to talk on the issue. Sources in the saffron brigade revealed that in view of the uproar being made by opposition in both houses of Parliament, the top leadership wants to keep the campaign in pause mode till the winter session ends.

The tightening of noose on saffron brigade's local units by the district administration and police in Ghazipur district has also compelled organizations like VHP and Hindu Yuva Vahini to go on backfoot. District magistrate of Ghazipur Narendra Singh Patel said that leaders of both organizations were called at Sadar Kotwali police station on Monday to provide details of their proposed programmes on December 17 and 18. The two organizations gave it in writing that 'Ghar Wapsi' is not the part of their events. After getting this declaration, the district administration and police allowed them to hold their meetings.

Srivastava said that nobody can stop VHP from creating atmosphere for 'ghar wapsi' as it is a part of its agenda. The issue would also be discussed during Wednesday's `Dharm Sabha' being organized as part of VHP's golden jubilee programmes at Lanka ground in Ghazipur. For the preparations of 'Dharm Sabha' a senior office-bearer of VHP is camping in Ghazipur. "We have 370 ekal-vidyalaya (school with single teacher) in Ghazipur district and multi-member committees monitor these schools. The network of committees is mobilizing the people to take part in the proposed meeting at Lanka ground," he said.

Making it clear that 'ghar wapsi' has been excluded from this meeting, VHP leader Sudarshanji said, "Our activities are not aimed at creating communal tension but the authorities will have to clear their stand on the missionaries that go for large-scale conversion from December 25 to 31 across the country, including Ghazipur." The VHP leaders are claiming that many Muslim families are in contact with them in this district, who know very well that their ancestors were Hindus. This brigade is focusing on those converted people who are being termed as Muslim backwards or Christian Dalits. He said that the converted people kept in these categories are really dissatisfied due to no change in their social status even after conversion.

The HYV's Ghazipur unit chief Rasbihari Rai said, "We have given it in writing that Ghar Wapsi is not the part of our proposed meeting at Misirpur Gohna on December 18. But, we will keep eyes on district administration and police to see their action when conversion session would be organized by the missionaries."

The DM said, "We have taken declaration from both organizations but extra precautions like videography of their meeting would be initiated. Apart from regular staff of intelligence wings, the revenue department employees are also being engaged for intelligence collection by keeping sharp vigil in the areas concerned."

On the basis of inputs received so far by the officials they do not see possibility of huge participation in both the meetings of the saffron brigade.

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Sid Harth
Vishva Hndu Parishad of Vishva Hate Parishad? bunch of idiots. ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
The atrocity, about which the State government has not gone public, has outraged and terrified Christian organisations working in Kandhamal district. News of it was brought to the notice of Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik by Raphael Cheenath, Archbishop of the Cuttack-Bhubaneswar diocese. Sister Nirmala wrote letters to the Orissa Chief Minister and the Prime Minister on this and other brutal attacks on Christians in Orissa. In her letter, dated August 28, 2008, to Chief Minister Patnaik, she took up “a very sad incident, soon after the eruption of the violence” of “one young sister, consecrated to God, who was administrator of an institute, being hunted out of her hiding place and stripped naked by the mob and her virginity grossly violated in public, without any help from the police present there.” In her appeal for protection to Christians, Sister Nirmala urged the Chief Minister to “ask the Central Govt. for as many extra forces from the Centre as they are willing to give and you need.” When contacted, Praveen Kumar, Superintendent of Police, Kandhamal district, told The Hindu that investigations into the episode by a Deputy Superintendent of Police were on and “the law will take its course.” He confirmed that no arrests have been made in connection with the incidents. Source: Hindu ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
The brutalisation of the nun and the priest by a mob raising anti-Christian, Hindutva slogans took place around 1 p.m. at the site of the Divya Jyothi Pastor Centre. The church was burnt the previous day in reprisal against the murder of an RSS activist, Lakshmanananda Saraswathi, and four of his associates on August 23. The gang rape of the young nun, whose “virginity [was] grossly violated in public” (and whose identity is being withheld by this newspaper to protect her privacy) took place in front of a police outpost with 12 policemen from the Orissa State Armed Police present and watching, according to Father Thomas Chellan, the priest who was dragged out and badly beaten. “Around 1 p.m., a gang came and pulled me and the Sister out of the house where we had taken shelter and started assaulting us,” Father Chellan told The Hindu in a telephonic interview from Kerala where he is recuperating. “My appeals to the policemen who were standing nearby and watching only resulted in further beating. At one point the nun slipped away to plead with the police for help but she was dragged back by the mob and her blouse torn,” he said. The nun was gang raped in a nearby building, and he was doused with kerosene by the mob, which threatened to set him on fire. They were saved by a group of youth who took them to the police outpost where “one among the attackers was present with the police between 3 p.m. and 9 p.m.,” Father Chellan said. News of the K. Nuagaon atrocity was conveyed through mobile phones to several priests and nuns hiding in the forests, fearing for their lives as the anti-Christian hunt was on. The victims were taken to the Baliguda police station around 9 p.m. where they lodged First Information Reports. “I believe the Sister wrote in her complaint that she was raped,” Father Chellan said.
Sid Harth
Today's Paper September 30, 2008 Nun was gang raped and priest brutally assaulted in Kandhamal Parvathi Menon FIRs lodged but no arrests by State government; no response from Centre; Sister Nirmala wrote to CM and PM appealing for protection to Christians Bhubaneswar: The Orissa government has failed to take any action, under the law of the land, against those who committed crimes — the g*** r*** of a 28-year-old Catholic nun and the brutal attack on a Catholic priest who courageously resisted their attempts to force him to participate in the atrocity. These incidents took place on August 25 at K. Nuagaon, 12 km from the Baliguda subdivision in Kandhamal district. Both victims filed First Information Reports at the Baliguda police station. Sister Nirmala, Superior-General of the Missionaries of Charity, wrote to the Orissa Chief Minister and the Prime Minister specifying the atrocities.
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He alleged that these church groups have specifically chosen the border areas for conversions so that in future, once the converts gather strength as in North Eastern states, they could raise voice of separate nation with outside help. Khanna, while sensing a deep rooted conspiracy behind the conversion demanded that government should swing into action to look into the funds flowing to these groups and inquire whether they were being judiously used or not. Khanna said they would also be preparing a data base to know the rate of conversions , number of churches recently erected in villages of border areas of Punjab. Rakesh Madan, state vice president of Bajrang Dal alleged that these church groups propagate alleviating from their miseries of people if they embraces Christianity through their changiai sabha's. He said BD had prevented these sabha's to be held . Lajpat Rai another BD leader said that they would now be laying more stress on their dharma jagran and dharma parchar programmes besides going deep into the ground realities so that appropriate measures could be taken to check conversions. He said the conversions have also led to trade of cow slaughtering in the border areas.
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VHP against conversions in Punjab Yudhvir Rana, TNN | Mar 31, 2005, 11.27PM IST inShare AMRITSAR: Vishwa Hindu Parishad and other Hindu organizations would intensify their missionary work to check the conversion of dalit and majhbi Sikhs to Christianity in the border areas of Punjab besides persuading for re conversions to those who had already embraced Christianity. VHP had already demanded to put a ban on conversions. A new strategy is being chalked out by local leaders of these organizations to step up their efforts especially after the visit of RSS's spokesperson Ram Madhav who had recently visited the border areas of Punjab from where dalit's and majhbi Sikhs have been reported to be converting en mass to Christianity. Notably SGPC had also advised Sikhs to not convert into Christianity after reports that a large number of majhbi Sikh's were embracing Christianity. Arun Khanna, joint secretary of Punjab unit of VHP while talking to TNN on Thursday said that certain church groups were targeting economically weaker sections for conversions either through enticements, helping them economically and also promising them of miraculous healings of diseases if they adopted Christianity.
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Pradhan was arrested in October 2008 on several charges, including murder, rioting and arson. He fought the assembly elections in April 2009 from jail and defeated senior Congress leader Ajaynti Pradhan. Pradhan faced 14 criminal cases, including six cases of murder. He was earlier convicted by another fast tract court in the same district in another murder case June 29. The government has set up two fast track courts in the district to try criminal cases related to communal riots. IANS
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BJP lawmaker gets jail for murder in Kandhamal riots September 9, 2010 | Accident / Crime / Disaster | Written by Kayanush 0 inShare Bhubaneswar, Sep 9 – A fast-track court in Orissa Thursday sentenced Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) legislator Manoj Pradhan to six years’ rigorous imprisonment for a murder during the 2008 communal riots in Kandhamal district, a lawyer said. Judge C.R. Das of the the fast-track court II at Phulbani, the district headquarters of Kandhamal, handed down the sentence to Pradhan for the murder of Bikram Nayak at Tiangia village under Raikia police station area Aug 25, 2008. ‘The court sentenced him to six years’ rigorous imprisonment. A fine of Rs.15,500 was also slapped on him,’ Pradhan’s lawyer Ajit Patnaik told IANS. Kandhamal district, about 200 km from here, witnessed widespread violence after the murder of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati and four of his aides at his ashram Aug 23, 2008. At least 38 people were killed and more than 25,000 Christians were forced to flee their homes after their houses were attacked by rampaging mobs that held Christians responsible for Saraswati’s killing, although the police blamed the Maoists. Pradhan, who represents G Udaygiri assembly constituency, will appeal against the judgment in a higher court, Patnaik said. ‘His (Pradhan) name was not mentioned in the first information report (FIR). His name was added by the police later after the incident,’ he said.
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But are things changing under his successor Anandiben Patel? A communal skirmish took place in Bhuj ahead of Eid, while a temple was allegedly desecrated in Idar in north Gujarat during Shravan leading to a tense situation.

Apart from this, on Eid day, the chief minister performed an aarti that had been organized by the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation on the banks of the Sabarmati river. Religion seems to be gaining a bigger space in the public discourse in Gujarat after Modi's departure for Delhi, according to some observers.

A source in the BJP said that while it's too early to determine a wider trend, the efforts of the Sangh parivar to re-establish its grip over Gujarat is more than a possibility.

Modi dealt with the VHP with an iron hand in the last few years, rendering the international secretary of the outfit Pravin Togadia a political pariah. As a matter of fact, Modi ensured a split in VHP with the anti-Togadia faction supporting the chief minister. This cut the outfit to size in a state where it used to have immense political clout.

In 2009, when the temples were demolished, the state police even arrested a VHP leader from north Gujarat just ahead of Diwali and kept him behind bars for a long time. It will be recalled that a controversy broke out in April after Togadia exhorted an audience in Bhavnagar to harass the Muslim buyer of a building in a Hindu area to force him to abandon the purchase.

But the VHP, uncharacteristically, doesn't seem to be keen on making any public statements that could be seen as exploiting events to inflame opinion right now. Still, VHP state president Trivedi said, "Things are as it is getting bad." He also raised the issue of cow slaughter.

"There are regular reports of seizure of beef and cow slaughter too has not stopped," he said, adding that VHP will decide on its course of action after its leaders meet.
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Raghava Reddy takes over as VHP International chief
Dec 20 ,2011 15:18 PM
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Raghava Reddy takes over as VHP International chief

Hyderabad based sweets maker Mr G. Raghava Reddy was unanimously elected as the International President of the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) at its Trust Board meeting at Kochi in Kerala on Monday.

Mr Raghava Reddy, owner of the internationally famous G. Pulla Reddy Sweets and son of the late Mr G. Pulla Reddy, arrived in Hyderabad last night after his election to the top post of the VHP.

Responding to a rousing reception at the Samshabad airport, Mr Raghava reddy said he would strive to discharge his responsibilities in the most befitting manner and vowed to protect the culture and traditions of the Hindus and the Hinduism world over.

Reports said Mr. Praveen Togadia, till now General Secretary, was appointed as the working president of the international wing of the VHP at the 3-day meeting of its Trust Board. Ashok Singhal, who worked as the International President of the organization for the last two decades, will now officiate as an advisor along with Mr Vedantam. (JUBS)
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Back on the main road, the men were waiting. 'Put your notebook and your cameras away. You will take no pictures and record nothing,' the VHP man said. 'You want to know what is happening? Now I will tell you why this is happening.' He blamed the Christians for taking the jobs of Hindus, for the murder of the Swami. The only solution was for Christians to convert, he said. 'This is a Hindu community. Everyone can stay here, as long as they are part of that community. And now you should go.'

Source: Guardian

...and I am Sid Harth
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Before the violence started, Christians outnumbered Hindus in Minia: now 115 have converted, roughly half of their original number. The rest have fled.

Burn your Bibles, the men told Ashish Digal. He told them he had, but hid them instead. Every couple of days people come to his house to search, hoping to catch him out. Those people are not strangers; they are his neighbours.

They had been sitting idly in the main road when The Observer's car pulled up. Now the young driver, Sudhir, was rushing down the path that led to what remained of Sujata Digal's house, holding his head, visibly shaken. 'We must leave now,' he said.

He had been standing by the car when the men closed in around him. They left the talking to Prashant Digal, a teacher and organiser for the local VHP youth wing. 'Why did you bring these people here?', he demanded, punching Sudhir in the head. 'Take the vehicle and go. Leave them here for us.' They surrounded him, a young Hindu, and slapped him around again. No one came to his aid. 'If you stay, we will burn you with them in the car. You will all be killed. Just leave them,' they told him. But he did not, which was a decent thing for a frightened boy to do. He drove a little way down the road and parked around a corner, out of sight, and came back to raise the alarm.
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A few miles down the road from Sankarakhole, in the village of Minia, Sujata Digal, 38, stood outside her own burnt-out home. The mob had arrived at 3am, she said. She and her husband Hari hid in the forest and watched the house burn. When they came out of the forest, the mob returned and told them to convert, and it was not a hard decision.

'They said, 'If you don't become Hindu, we'll burn your houses too and start killing you',' said Ashish Digal, the former Christian pastor. 'I've been forced to convert. Everyone is being converted. They beat us in the fields. I went to the temple. We had to say that we belonged to the Hindu state of Orissa, and that from this day we are Hindus.'
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Sumani Naik, 18, stands beneath a torn Christian poster in her fire-damaged house in Kandhamal district after being forced to convert. Photograph: Gethin Chamberlain

Relations between the Hindu and Christian communities were already at a low ebb when the killing of VHP leader Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati on 23 August provided the trigger for the current wave of violence. The VHP blamed Christians and the mobs descended on the homes of neighbours and friends. Those who were too slow to get away were killed. Amid the savagery, two incidents stood out: a young Hindu woman working in a Christian orphanage was burnt alive and a nun was gang-raped.

Yet the VHP is unrepentant and appears to be involved, at least at grassroots level, with the campaign of forced conversions. One priest who converted 18 Christians in the village of Sankarakhole last week told The Observer that he had been approached by local VHP representatives to carry out the ceremony.
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The priest had given them cow dung to eat during the ceremony, they said, telling them it would purify them. 'We were doing that, but we were crying,' Jaspina said.

The roads between the villages are rough and potholed, adding to the difficulties in accessing what is already a remote region, a six-hour drive from the state capital, Bhubaneshwar. The remoteness has undoubtedly played a part in the continuation of the violence, making it harder for police to move about quickly, even if they were minded to do so. Christian leaders, though, have accused the authorities of dragging their feet, claiming they are reluctant to antagonise the majority Hindu community in the run-up to parliamentary elections next year.
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Standing in the ashes of her neighbour's house in the village of Sarangagada, Jaspina Naik, 32, spoke nervously, glancing towards a group of Hindu men watching her suspiciously. 'My neighbours said, "If you go on being Christians, we will burn your houses and your children in front of you, so make up your minds quickly",' she said. 'I was scared. Christians have no place in this area now.'

On her forehead, she wore a gash of vermilion denoting a married Hindu woman, placed there by the priest at the conversion ceremony she had been obliged to attend a day earlier, along with her husband and three young children. 'I'm totally broken,' she said. 'I have always been a Christian. Inside I am still praying for Jesus to give me peace and to take me out of this situation.'

She and her neighbour, Kumari Naik, 35, gazed forlornly at the charred remains of the house. The mob that arrived one evening in the first week of the violence, armed with swords and axes, had looted what they wanted before dousing the building with petrol and setting it alight. Kumari had fled into the nearby forest with her husband, Umesh, and 14-year-old son Santosh. A smoke-damaged child's drawing of Mickey Mouse pinned to one wall was all that remained of their former lives. Shattered roof tiles crunched underfoot as the women moved through the blackened rooms.
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Convert or we will kill you, Hindu lynch mobs tell fleeing Christians
As a fresh wave of sectarian violence is unleashed across the Indian state of Orissa, Gethin Chamberlain talks to homeless survivors in Kandhamal district who were forced to abandon their religion
Kumari Naik
Kumari Naik with her son Santosh amid the ashes of their home. Photograph: Gethin Chamberlain Gethin Chamberlain/Guardian

Gethin Chamberlain

Saturday 18 October 2008 19.01 EDT

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Hundreds of Christians in the Indian state of Orissa have been forced to renounce their religion and become Hindus after lynch mobs issued them with a stark ultimatum: convert or die.

The wave of forced conversions marks a dramatic escalation in a two-month orgy of sectarian violence which has left at least 59 people dead, 50,000 homeless and thousands of houses and churches burnt to the ground. As neighbour has turned on neighbour, thousands more Christians have sought sanctuary in refugee camps, unable to return to the wreckage of their homes unless they, too, agree to abandon their faith.

Last week, in the worst-affected Kandhamal district, The Observer encountered compelling evidence of the scale of the violence employed in a conversion programme apparently sanctioned by members of one of the most powerful Hindu groups in India, the 6.8-million member Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) - the World Hindu Council.
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Presence outside India

Vishwa Hindu Parishad is active in many countries outside of India.
United States

Known as VHPA, the VHP in the United States advocates for human rights for Hindus around the world. They also offer Hindu Pandits to serve the Hindu community, and usually hold rituals around the nation where members are invited. The VHPA has also organised many charitable causes, such as raising money for the victims of Typhoon Haiyan in 2013, and the Fiji flood victims of 2012.[40]
United Kingdom

The VHPUK, is the British branch of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which has held demonstrations in London for the rights of Hindus in Bangladesh and Pakistan. It offers many Hindu services such as priests and matrimonial services. VHPUK has been vocal advocates of the pro-life movement, and stands against abortion.[41]
Germany

Vishwa Hindu Parishad has a temple in Frankfurt, offers Bhagavad Gita classes and recites the Ramayana.[42][43][verification needed]
Canada

The VHP is active in Vancouver, Toronto, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Ottawa and other major Canadian cities.[44]
Australia, New Zealand & Fiji

The Vishva Hindu Parishad is gaining popularity in these countries. The Australia wing of Vishva Hindu Parishad conducts activities such conducting weekend schools, language classes, cultural workshops, festivals. The festivals are also organised for open to all communities promoting Unity in Diversity.[45] The press release from city council of Holroyd state that Vishva Hindu Parishad is active in supporting multiculturalism in the same region.[46] In March 2014, the VHP had its first National Hindu Council in Fiji and New Zealand. The VHP has established a Vedic school in Sydney, has temples and organised 3 National Hindu conferences in 2014.[47]
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Reconversion activity

VHP organises programmes to reconvert Hindus who had previously converted to Christianity or Islam through their trained missionaries called Dharma Prasaar Vibhag (Dharma Propagation Unit), some of them were sent to remote villages and tribal areas which have substantial Christians and Muslims population. On 4 March 2004, more than 200 Christians were reconverted in a ceremony organised by the VHP in the state of Orissa, part of its plan to reconvert 400,000 tribal Christians.[citation needed] According to them, the tribal folk were lured for monetary benefits and Christian missionaries were there to convert them under the pretext of community service. They claim that Vanvasis (Tribals) are part of Hindu culture.[25] The Christian community denied this and six women were beaten for refusing to reconvert to Hinduism. Religious conversions is a debated topic in Orissa.[26]

In Punjab, the VHP has played an active role to prevent conversions of Sikhs. Majority of them are low caste Sikhs converting to Christianity. This may be a result of oppression by high caste Sikhs but there are considerable free will conversions among the higher class Sikhs too; however, the VHP have forcibly stopped Christian missionaries from converting Sikhs.[27]

The VHP collaborated with Christian Association for Social Action and played an active part in providing relief to both Hindu and Christian families affected by the Love Jihad activity in Kerala during 2003 – 2013 period.[28]

The then vice-president[29] of VHP Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati was killed in 2008 in his Ashram. The VHP accused Christians for the murder of Swami Lakshmanananda,[30] Maoist militants had claimed responsibility for the killing. Later the VHP engaged in reconversion program, involving both voluntary and forced reconversion.[2][26] In the resulting disorder, Christian settlements were set on fire,[31] and 250 Christians were forced to flee their villages.[32] A Catholic nun was raped during the violence and Roman Catholic Church said that at least 7 Christians were killed.[30][33][34][35] A judicial commission probing the violence said that conversion and re-conversion were among the major factors that led to the disorder, without blaming any religious groups or the CPI (Maoist).[36] All the seven accused in the murder case were found guilty and awarded life imprisonment.[37][38][39]
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Child organisations
Local office of Vishva Hindu Parishad, at Haridwar

The Bajrang Dal is the youth wing of the VHP, and it is organised in many states in major training camps called shakhas, where thousands of young men simultaneously train in various activities, receive sports, education in Hindutva and cultural education. The Durga Vahini, founded in 1991 under the tutelage of Sadhvi Rithambara as its founding chairperson and the support of the VHP, is described as the "female arm of the Dal". Members of the Vahini contend that the portrayal of their group as a branch of the Bajrang Dal is an oversimplification, and that their goals are to "dedicate ourselves to spiritual, physical, mental and knowledge development".[22] The VHP also have divisions made up of women. VHP secretary Giri Raj Kishore charted out highly visible roles for women in the group. He charted out two "satyagrahas" for women during their demonstrations.[23]

The VHP has been a prime backer of the World Hindu Conference in which issues such as casteism, sectarianism, and the future of Hindus were discussed. Prior Conferences have included Hindu Groups such as Parisada Hindu Dharma.[24]
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Ayodhya dispute
Main articles: Ayodhya debate, Ram Janmabhoomi and Babri Mosque

The VHP had been involved in the dispute over the Ram Janmabhoomi, or Babri Mosque, for twenty years before its demolition. This activity involved demonstrations, petitions and litigation. According to the VHP and its affiliated organisations, the Babri Mosque was built by demolishing the temple at the birthplace of Rama (Ram Janmabhoomi) by the Mughal Emperor Babur in the 16th century. It further stated in Allahabad court documentation that the building was in a dilapidated condition. It was in ruins and could not be used for worship or any activities .[20][21]
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Social activities

Vishva Hindu Parishad is active in social welfare work[14][15]

Medical - People are trained in villages to provide primary health care and referral services. The organisation also conducts Medical check-up camps.[15]
Vocational training - Organisation is running self-employment training camps in Bihar, Punjab, Rajasthan, Maha Kaushal, Assam, Brij Pradesh, Orissa and Maharashtra. The training areas involve farming techniques, bee-keeping, agriculture, horticultural techniques, animal husbandry and sewing.[16] There are 959 training centres currently operating.[15]
Education - It tried to provide educational facilities in remote area. It supports 3266 educational facilities.[15]
Social welfare - Organisation runs 45 Orphanages, Marriage Bureau, Help Centres, Rescue Centres, Working Women Hostels. VHP is also active in environmental causes such as Tree Plantations. Social Services are provided in religious pilgrimages, emergency help during natural calamities and rural development.[15][17]
Relief services - Vishwa Hindu Parishad has provided emergency Relief services. In 2014 Jammu and Kashmir floods, Vishwa Hindu Parishad organised medical and relief camps. These services provided relief via medical camps to 1400 patients.[18][19]
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The world has been divided to Christian, Islam and communist. All of them view Hindu society as very fine rich food on which to feast and fatten themselves. It is necessary in this age of conflict to think of and organise the Hindu world to save it from the evils of all the three.[12]

Its main objective is "to organise, consolidate the Hindu society and to serve, protect the Hindu Dharma."[1] It has been involved in social service projects and in encouraging the construction and renovation of Hindu temples. It is against the caste system, opposes cow slaughter and conversions to other religions. Defending Hindus around the world and Hindu rights has been one of its stated objectives.[13] The other main objective which it has been involved with is the Ayodhya dispute.[1]

The organisation acts under the guidance from Dharma Sansad a religious parliament of Gurus.[10] The VHP is associated with the Sangh Parivar, an umbrella of Hindu nationalist. Its slogan is Dharmo rakṣati rakṣitaḥ, which means "Dharma protects its protector" and its symbol is the banyan tree. The current international president of VHP is Raghava Reddy,[3] while its executive president is Praveen Togadia.[3]
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History

The VHP was founded in 1964 by RSS leaders M. S. Golwalkar and S. S. Apte in collaboration with the Hindu spiritual leader Chinmayananda.[8][9] The delegation of the founders included Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan founder K. M. Munshi, Gujarati scholar Keshavram Kashiram Shastri, Sikh leader Master Tara Singh, Namdhari Sikh leader Satguru Jagjit Singh and eminent politicians such as C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer.[10][11] Chinmayananda was nominated as its founding President, while Apte was nominated as its founding General Secretary. It was decided at the meeting that the name of the proposed organization would be "Vishva Hindu Parishad" and that a world convention of Hindus was to be held at Prayag (Allahabad) during Kumbha Mela of 1966 for its launch. It was further decided that it would be a non-political organization and that no office bearer of any political party shall be simultaneously an office bearer in the Parishad.[11]

The VHP, which considers Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs as well as native tribal religions as part of the greater Hindu fraternity, officially mentions that it was founded by the "Saint Shakti of Bharat". The VHP was first mooted at a conference in Pawai, Sandipani Sadhanalaya, Bombay on 29 August 1964. The conference was hosted by RSS chief M. S. Golwalkar. The date was chosen to coincide with the festival of Janmashtami. Several representatives from the Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist and Jain faiths were present in the meeting, as well as the Dalai Lama. Golwalkar explained that "all faiths of Indian origins need to unite", saying that the word "Hindu" (people of "Hindustan") applied to adherents of all the above religions.[12] Apte declared:
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With a malice in mind, Golwalkar, one Pillay, S S Apte-RSS, ....The Vishva Hindu Parishad (pronunciation: /vɪʃv(ə) hɪnd̪uː pərɪʃəd̪/, English: World Hindu Council), abbreviated VHP, is an Indian right-wing Hindu nationalist non-governmental organization based on the ideology of Hindutva. It was founded in 1964 by M. S. Golwalkar and S. S. Apte in collaboration with Swami Chinmayananda. Its main objective is "to organise, consolidate the Hindu society and to serve, protect the Hindu Dharma."[1] It belongs to the Sangh Parivar,[4][5] an umbrella of Hindu nationalist organisations. It has been involved in social service projects,[6][7] construction and renovation of Hindu temples and in issues such as cow slaughter, conversions to other religions, the Ayodhya dispute and its role in the Babri Masjid demolition. The VHP has been involved in reconverting Hindus who had previously converted to Christianity or Islam.
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Modi's tough talk to MPs: Don't cross 'laxman rekha' in speeches
HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times New Delhi, December 16, 2014
First Published: 12:32 IST(16/12/2014) | Last Updated: 12:34 IST(16/12/2014)

Source: TOI

...and I am Sid Harth

Of Clark B. Lombardi and Shari`a Clauses

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Of Clark B. Lombardi and Shari`a Clauses 1 Clark B ...

https://plus.google.com/.../posts/JEZD75hL2cX
7 mins ago - Of Clark B. Lombardi and Shari`a Clauses 1 Clark B. Lombardi University of Washington School of Law © Clark Lombardi 1 USIP Position Paper The Challenges ...
 
Clark B. Lombardi
University of Washington School of Law

© Clark Lombardi
1
USIP Position Paper
The Challenges and Opportunities of Islamic Review:
Lessons for Afghanistan from the Experiences of other Muslim Countries
1
Clark B. Lombardi University of Washington School of Law Over the last fifty years, many Muslim countries have drafted or amended their constitutions to include a type of clause that I will call here “ Shari`a Clauses.” These clauses provide that all state legislation must be consistent with Shari`a.
2
All countries that have written Shari`a Clauses into their national constitution sooner or later must grapple with certain basic questions. Among them are the following: Are these clauses justiciable—that is, can judges enforce them by reviewing laws for consistency with Islam and striking down laws that do not comply? If so, what type of judicial institution should be entrusted with the job of Islamic review? What method of reasoning should this institution use to interpret the Shari`a Clause? Finally, how can the Shari`a Clause be harmonized with other constitutional commands that the state protect democracy and the principles of international human rights law? Having written a Shari`a Clause into its 2004 constitution, Afghanistan must soon address one, and likely all, of these questions.
Given the central position of Islam in Afghan history and the strong role that Islam has played in the formation of Afghanistan’s national identity, it makes sense that the drafters of Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution included a Shari`a Clause. Article 3 of the 2004 Afghan constitution states, “In Afghanistan, no statute [qanun] can be contrary to the beliefs and rulings [ahkam] of the sacred religion of Islam.”
3
It appears that no Afghan court has decided a case interpreting this provision to date. Thus, we are not
certain the clause is justiciable. For reasons I will describe, however, it seems likely that the clause will ultimately be found justiciable. If so, Afghans must decide what institution will interpret the Shari`a Clause.
As I will describe, choosing a method of interpretation will not be a simple task.
As Afghan scholars, judges and government officials prepare to resolve the open questions of how to implement Article 3 of the constitution , they might benefit from the experience of other countries that hav
e already grappled with the challenge of applying a Shari`a Clause. Afghanistan will find that there are remarkably different approaches to interpreting and implanting such clauses. It will also find that a few judiciaries have found ways to interpret Is lamic law consistently with a large number of liberal rights.
Indeed, judges in some countries have exercised Islamic review in a way that not only tolerates
government protection of human rights, including women’s rights, but actually requires such protection as a matter of Islamic law. In this paper, I will describe how different nations answered for themselves the types of questions that await Afghanistan.
I will then consider what, if anything, Afghanistan can learn from them.
1.
Is Article 3 of the 2004 Afghan Constitution (Afghanistan’s Shari`a Clause) justiciable?
Whenever a nation adopts a constitution with a Shari`a Clause, that nation must address a threshold question: Is the clause justiciable? If a Shari`a Clause is “non-justiciable,” judges have no power to enforce it. The executive and legislature have the sole power to decide what Islam requires. Once the political branches have concluded to their own satisfaction that their legislation is consistent with Islam, the courts cannot
question their judgment. To put it differently: the courts are not empowered to hear court cases asserting that the state legislation or regulations are unenforceable on the grounds that they are inconsistent with Islam.
It may seem strange that a country would adopt a Shari`a Clause but conclude that courts should not enforce it. There are, however, a number of valid reasons to adopt non-justiciable Shari`a Clauses.
4
Thus , the drafters of some constitutions have deliberately inserted into Shari`a Clauses explicit language that declares the clause to be non-justiciable.
5
In other cases, constitutions have Shari`a Clauses without explicit language precluding judicial enforcement of the clause; nevertheless, judges read a principle of non-justiciability into the clause and thus declare themselves incompetent to police compliance with the Shari`a.
6
That said, the public in Muslim countries has generally soured on the idea that Shari`a Clauses should be non
-justiciable. Accordingly, non-justiciability is increasingly the exception and not the norm.
7
To date, no Afghan judicial body has issued any formal ruling declaring a law consistent or inconsistent with Article 3 of the 2004 constitution.
8
All indications, however, are that Afghan scholars and judges believe that Article 3 is justiciable.
Afghans thus should begin to discuss both who should review laws for consistency with Islam and what methods
Afghans want those people to use.
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2.
Should the judicial institution entrusted with the power of constitutional review establish a special bench to handle cases of Islamic review?
If, as most expect, Article 3 will be held justiciable, then it raises the question of who should interpret and apply the provision and strike down laws that are inconsistent with “the beliefs and rulings of the holy religion of Islam.” In Afghanistan, this question is complicated by the ongoing debate about who has the power of judicial review.
10
Although Afghanistan’s constitution seems to assume that the power of judicial review exists in some
judicial entity, debate has emerged about whether the entity with the power of judicial review is the Supreme Court or, instead, the constitutionally created judicial commission commonly referred to as the Article 157 Commission.
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Whichever institution ultimately emerges to exercise judicial review, a second question will need to be answered. Should the institution that practices judicial review establish a specialized bench to review consistency of laws with the Shari`a? Some countries have decided that questions of Islamic review require special expertise. Iran, for example, provides that before legislation enters into force, it should be subject to
Islamic review. Iran places the power of abstract Islamic review entirely in a specialized body of Islamic scholars.
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In Pakistan, the constitution provides for Islamic review of legislation by a hybrid institution known as the Federal Shariat Court. This institution is dominated by judges but also includes some Islamic scholars.
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(There is some ambiguity about what qualifies someone as a scholar qualified to sit on the court.
Technically they are supposed to be “`ulama” a term that is sometimes reserved for scholars with specialized
training in traditional approaches to Islamic legal interpretation. Some people who have occupied the seats reserved for `ulama do not seem, however, to have this type of training.)
Some countries with justiciable Shari`a Clauses have concluded that the legal training provided to those being trained for the nation’s legal professions generally equips students with the training necessary to resolve questions of Islamic review. Such countries allow regular benches of their constitutional court(s) to resolve all questions of constitutional review, including questions of Islamic review.
Such countries include Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.).
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In Afghanistan, both the Supreme Court and the Article 157 Commission can by law establish special benches. Under the 2004 constitution, the Supreme Court can be staffed either by people trained generally in law or by people trained specifically in Islamic law.
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The constitution does not clearly specify the structure of the court. Apparently, a court organization law could be enacted that would require a specialized bench to hear cases of Islamic review—a bench where at least some members have specialized training in Islamic law. Similarly, the structure of the Article 157
Commission is left to be formed and organized by a future law, subject only to the proviso that the President
has the power to appoint all members.
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It too could be structured with a special bench. The experience of other countries, however, suggests that establishing a specialized bench may not be necessary in Afghanistan, and it even gives reason to believe that a special bench could lead to some unnecessary problems. Special benches are useful in countries where the public deems the regular judiciary unqualified to engage with Islamic scriptures or legal reasoning. Afghanistan differs from most countries that have specialized benches because most members of the judiciary have historically had strong training in Islamic law. Afghan universities generally have two departments
which train legal professionals: the Faculty of Law and Political Science; and the Faculty of Shari`a.
17
These faculties, once almost entirely separate from each other, now have at least some overlap in course coverage and at some universities there is cross-teaching across faculties. Nevertheless, they still emphasize different legal subjects and continue to maintain significantly different identities and cultures.
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Importantly for the question of Islamic review in Afghanistan, the judges on the courts of general jurisdiction,
including most judges on the Supreme Court, have historically been trained in the Shari`a faculties, which provide systematic training in both classical Hanafifiqh and modernist theories of Islamic law.
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So long as this situation continues, it is not clear that a specialized bench would contain more expertise than a regular bench of the courts or commission.
If graduates of Afghanistan’s Faculties of Law and Political Science begin to staff the judiciary in greater numbers,
Afghanistan may face new pressure to create a specialized bench for the purpose of performing Islamic review—one dominated by judges who are graduates of a Shari`a faculty.
Establishing such a bench will still, however, have the costs that we will describe below.
If recruitment patterns for the judiciary suggest that the judiciary as a whole may soon come to be seen as incapable of carrying out Islamic review,
Afghanistan may want to focus new energy on projects of educational reform that have recently been discussed.
Already some universities have begun to explore how they might coordinate the legal curriculum taught in
their faculty with the one taught in the Shari`a faculty.
More support for these projects may help to ensure the ongoing viability of a unified process of regular judicial review and Islamic review.
That would be a good thing, because dividing the processes of regular judicial review and Islamic review can have significant costs.
Creating a special bench for interpreting the Shari`a Clause can create significant inefficiencies. In cases where Islamic review occurs separately from all other judicial  review, cases that implicate two constitutional issues (one of which involves a question of © Clark Lombardi
7
consistency with Islamic law) would need to be divided. The Islamic issues must be heard before one bench and the non-Islamic issues heard before a different bench.
Furthermore, by forcing a single tribunal simultaneously to address all Islamic and non-Islamic challenges to a law, a nation increases the chances of a decision that consciously addresses the potential tensions between Islamic and non-Islamic provisions and, ideally, comes up with an interpretation of these provisions that harmonizes them. Given the credibility of Afghan judges on questions of both Islamic and secular law and the need for efficient constitutional adjudication, it seems unnecessary for Afghanistan’s judges to place the power of Islamic review in a special tribunal.
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3.
What method of interpretation should those who practice Islamic review use?
No matter who is entrusted with the power of Islamic review, that institution will have a difficult task. It
will have to identify “the beliefs and rulings of Islamic law” and then will have to determine whether state legislation is consistent with these norms.
If Afghans today actually agree dunanimously upon the method that Muslims should use to identify the rulings of Islamic law, this task would perhaps be straightforward. There is, however, no uniform agreement on questions of interpretive methodology.
Not only do Sunni and Shiite Muslims differ in Afghanistan, but there are also considerable points of
disagreement among Sunni Muslims.
In the pre-modern era, Sunni Muslims recognized four different “schools” of law as equally orthodox, and even within a particular Sunni school it was understood that different scholars could reach slightly different interpretations of God’s law.
21
In the

Modi Flirting With DMK

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Of SpiceJet and Modi’s Political Play

SpiceJet rescue is no fix for aviation woes

SpiceJet - I
HONG KONG: SpiceJet’s woes are all too familiar. India is cajoling banks to lend to the country’s second largest single-brand carrier when the debt-ridden airline needs more equity. The government’s hope is to save jobs and prevent a repeat of the embarrassing high-profile failure of Kingfisher Airlines which was grounded in 2012. Even if the rescue works, exorbitant fuel taxes and the lack of a bankruptcy law will keep the industry stuck in an air pocket.The government is doing what it can to keep SpiceJet flying without directly putting taxpayers on the hook. The civil aviation ministry said on December 16 that it may “request” banks to lend up to $94 million to the carrier in loans guaranteed by the company’s chairman, Kalanithi Maran.Together with related parties, the tycoon owns 58 per cent of the struggling airline. State oil companies and airport operators are also being asked to play a part by extending credit or giving SpiceJet longer to make payments. Finding an outside investor at this late stage may depend on Maran’s willingness to put his own money to work. Swapping debt into equity would make more sense. Even after efforts to trim costs, the carrier made a net loss of $49 million in the quarter that ended Sept. 30 and its net debt is almost five times as large.
READ ALSO: DGCA asks SpiceJet to limit advance booking to a month
Losses may be worse in the current quarter after the airline regulator banned SpiceJet from taking advance orders beyond 30 days — a restriction which the government now wants to relax.

Struggling airlines are not unique to India, but there are significant unfavourable local factors. Sales taxes on aviation turbine fuel vary from state to state but currently average around 24 per cent, according to consultancy CAPA. That’s a major burden. The lack of a comprehensive bankruptcy law also means there is no market-based solution when companies get into financial trouble.
Local airlines can’t copy their peers in the US and elsewhere by seeking bankruptcy protection.
An air pocket is the result. SpiceJet could arguably have been better managed but the government-led rescue is no fix for India’s aviation woes.
READ ALSO: Kid with medical condition among those affected by SpiceJet cancellations

Some key developments:
— India on December 16 said that banks and other financial institutions could be asked to lend up to Rs 6 billion ($94 million) to SpiceJet.
— The civil aviation ministry said any loan to India’s second-largest single-brand airline would be backed by the personal guarantee of SpiceJet chairman Kalanithi Maran.
— In addition, the ministry said that regulator would be asked to allow SpiceJet to sell advance tickets until March 31, 2015.
— Airport operators would be asked to give the carrier up to 15 days to make payments and state oil companies would be asked to give credit for up to 15 days, Reuters reported.
READ ALSO: Oil companies begin fuel supply to SpiceJet

SpiceJet chairman Kalanithi Maran (right).
— The airline reported a net loss of $48.7 million for the quarter ended September 30. Net debt stood at $234.8 million at the end of the same period.
— Maran has already invested at least $400 million into the airline which needs at least a further $300 million to get back on its feet, consultancy CAPA estimates.
— Maran and related parties own 58.5 per cent of SpiceJet shares, according to Eikon.
— SpiceJet shares have fallen 20.8 per cent so far this year.

Recent Messages (41)


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Of SpiceJet and Modi’s Political Play mysistereileendotorgga/
?p=3530
When comments are censored, where do they go? PMOH Eaven or buddhibai’s CST oven?
Bunch of idiots!
…and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Modi is making a political play at government initiative and Kalanithi Maran’s personal guarantee. Shame on you, Modi, Jaitley, et al. …and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
25 It is interesting to note that both Northwest and D elta airlines, which drastically cut their rental aircraft numbers in 20 04-2009, were either in the middle of bankruptcy or just emerging from bankrupt cy. United Airlines was also in trouble during those years, and they too sl owly decreased their rental aircraft. One reason for this decrease in aircraft rentals is because during Chapter 11 bankruptcy, creditors frequently take th eir planes back as airlines avoid obligations to their creditors. However, in the cases of both Delta and United, General Electric’s leasing division willing ly helped out both airlines by offering loans and deferrals on lease or loan pa yments, enabling them to keep their rental aircraft in operation (75). Amer ican Airlines is the only major carrier to avoid filing for bankruptcy, and i t has increased its rental aircraft over the years. As the economy begins to pick up, and airlines see increased demand, one would expect to see another u ptick in rentals as airlines seek the benefits leases provide.
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24 Aircraft are very expensive – for example, the 2010 list price for a 777-300ER is upwards of $287 million – versus a cost of $10-15 million annually to lease a 777 (33). A common misconception is that leasing is often an expensive solution to purchasing. However, airline leases ar e often cheaper because “major leasing companies enjoy the benefit of bulk pricing, low margin financing and higher debt/equity ratios than an air line can or should maintain” (44). Another cited advantage of leases, in addition to the financial aspect, is the flexibility provided to airlines thr ough leasing. As discussed earlier, the market changes rapidly, and airlines c ompete for popular routes and the latest aircraft innovations. For example, if a certain route, due to market changes, experiences a great increase in dem and, an airline can quickly change aircraft to a larger plane to accomm odate that demand. On a similar note, leasing provides airlines with an abi lity to mitigate obsolescence risk, as the typical 10-year lease enables an airli ne to update aircraft efficiently to satisfy the ever-changing desire of customers to fly on the most technologically advanced planes. Below, one can se e that some legacy carriers have increased their aircraft rentals over the last 14 years while others have decreased their ratio of rentals to own ership.
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23 the lease term (86). Below, one can see the journa l entry related to the lease, including how an airline recognizes a sale by removi ng the asset from its balance sheet, replacing it with a receivable (86). Lessee Lessor Leased Asset xxx Leased Rece ivable xxx Lease obligation xxx Asset xxx Another benefit to a capital lease is the depreciat ion expense relating to the asset over the economic life of the asset (86). Ho wever, because airlines try to limit their long-term liabilities, which negatively impact their capital structure, operating leases are preferred by airlin es. With respect to an operating lease, the accounting treatment is entire ly different, as neither the asset nor the lease liability are included on the b alance sheet (86). Rather, the lease payments are treated as an expense on the inc ome statement over the term of the lease (86). Lessee Lessor Lease Expense xxx Cash xxx Cash xxx Lease Income xxx
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22 recognizing that such leases provide greater flexibi lity in updating equipment while keeping upfront costs down. Leasing is defin ed as a contract between a lessor and a lessee where the lessor provides the l essee with the right to use assets owned by the lessor (86). There are two typ es of leases that airlines must decide between: operating leases and capital l eases. The primary difference is the title transfer of the aircraft, w hich effects the accounting treatment of the lease. The Financial Accounting S tandards Board (FASB) issues the regulations that specify how leases shou ld be accounting for (86). According to FAS 13, if a lease meets one or more o f the following 4 criteria, the lease should be classified as a capital lease ( 86). 1.) The lease transfers ownership of the property t o the lessee by the end of the lease term. 2.) The lease contains a bargain purchase option. 3.) The lease term is equal to 75 percent or more o f the estimated economic life of the leased property. However, if the beginn ing of the lease term falls within the last 25 percent of the total estimated e conomic life of the leased property, including earlier years of use, this crit erion shall not be used for purposes of classifying the lease. 4.) The present value at the beginning of the lease term of the minimum lease payments, excluding that portion of the payments re presenting executory costs such as insurance, maintenance, and taxes to be paid by the lessor, including any profit thereon, equals or exceeds 90 percent of the excess of the fair value of the leased property to the lessor at the inception of the lease over any related investment tax credit retained by the l essor and expected to be realized by him. Source: (86) These conditions are flexible though, and any good legal team can twist the terms to take advantage of the benefits operating l eases provide. If a lease is recognized as a capital lease, an airline records th e asset and a lease liability generally equal to the sum of the present value of the lease payment during
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21 it is fairly typical for high-fare passengers to co ntribute around 30 percent of total passengers but generate as much as 70 percent of total revenue” (36). Understandably, airlines focus on filling their fir st and business class cabins, which more than covers the cost of their lowest far e economy class seats. One critical component of yield management is the u se of overbooking, which airlines employ to try and compensate for no-show p assengers. Rather than fly an empty seat if a customer does not show up, a irlines overbook flights based on a historical rate of no-shows (38). Howev er, there is a chance that most passengers show up for their flight, in which case the airlines are forced to “bump” patrons to different flights. Airlines t ake a financial penalty for bumping passengers in the form of compensation to t he bumped customer, as well as any lost goodwill (38). It is clear that y ield management is a complex process that is not a perfect science, as airlines strive to reap maximum revenue from each flight. Chapter 2 – Managing Cost Structure Capital-Intensive In stark contrast with other service businesses, a irlines today need more than storefronts and a few employees to start up. Rather, airline operation includes in extensive range of expensive equipment, from the airplanes to flight simulators to maintenance hanga rs, aircraft tugs, airport counter space and gates, and call centers (32). Co mpanies traditionally have financed their costs through loans or public stock offerings, but recently, airlines are leasing equipment such as aircraft, ba ggage vehicles, and hangars,
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20 there are clear differences between first class and economy, the variability of prices within economy class is sometimes substantia l. Source : Airline book At the extreme ends of the economy class spectrum, the least expensive seat is 4 times less than the highest economy class fare . One should note that the service and seat are identical, and the destination is the same; the only difference is in the restrictions placed on the tic ket, which essentially is the ability to choose exact travel dates and change you r plans without penalty. But the contribution to airline revenue is truly fo und in their premium cabins, where an airlines margin is highest. “For major international airlines
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19 times more than the exact same flight over the week end (15). This capitalizes on the fact that leisure travelers are more price-s ensitive and likely to alter their travel schedules around price, whereas busine ss travelers are time pressured and therefore have inelastic demand to pr ice. Profitability in the Airline Industry The ultimate challenge for airlines is selling the most tickets at the highest price and targeting the right consumers, le ading to price discrimination where passengers pay different price s for the exact same route and service. Airlines face additional pressure to fill seats because empty seats are considered perishable goods, with the aircraft flying even when seats are still available. Robert Crandall, the former Ameri can Airlines CEO of 13 years, once said, “I believe that revenue managemen t is the single most important technical development in transportation m anagement since we entered the era of airline deregulation in 1979” (3 7). Mr. Crandall followed up on this belief through action, as American Airli nes now credits yield management techniques as generating a revenue incre ase of $500 million per year (39). Striking an ideal balance between price and demand is undoubtedly difficult, and airlines resort to copious amounts o f market research to segment their customers. In the most binary form, there are 2 distinct segments; there are the business travelers and thos e travelling for urgent personal reasons that are price-inelastic, and then there are the leisure travelers who are price sensitive, and can alter de mand to fares (36). While
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18 on airline revenues” (10). The likes of Kayak.com, Orbitz.com, Expedia.com, and numerous other websites have placed significant downward pressure on airfares by allowing the general public to easily c ompare prices across airlines, in essence increasing price transparency (20). This in essence fosters competition, as consumers are able to instantly com pare prices, travel times, and dates. Source: Gadling (21) While the airline companies might not enjoy the grea ter transparency in their pricing, they too receive some benefits in the sign ificant cost savings recognized through direct bookings as well as the ab ility to further gauge consumer preferences and demand patterns (15). Air lines also recognized that they could leverage the Internet’s ability to provi de instant capacity feedback, enabling both day-dependent and time-dependent pric e discrimination. For example, the average fare on a Monday or Tuesday fl ight can be as high as 3
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17 closing of European air space for 6 days. Undoubte dly, passengers were furious as they spent nights in airports unable to depart, but perhaps a greater impact was absorbed by the airlines. The I nternational Air Transport Association (IATA) estimates that during those 6 da ys, airlines lost a total of $1.7 billion in revenue while stranding 1.2 million passengers a day (13). This type of disaster, one completely out of control of the airlines, is virtually impossible to budget for. In addition to the lost revenue, airlines also faced regulations requiring compensation for stranded pas sengers, in which airlines must provide accommodation and meal vouchers. Unfo rtunately, the industry was already forecasting losses of $2.8 bil lion for the 2010 fiscal year and being forced to cover passenger expenses was de vastating (13). The severity of the crisis became apparent when the Fin ancial Times reported that “some carriers warned European Commission officials in Brussels that there could be airline bankruptcies this week” (14). In retrospect, no airline filed for bankruptcy as a direct result of the volcano cr isis, but the eruption stands as a clear example of just how vulnerable airlines are to external shocks. Internet The rise of the Internet led to a paradigm shift i n the travel industry as the growth of travel websites and direct access to airline websites essentially cut out the middlemen, the travel agents. “The tra nsparency of pricing facilitated by the Internet and online travel distr ibution channels have all contributed to a precipitous decline in average far es and a significant impact
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16 As business travel demand plummeted, the hub airpor ts filled with idle aircraft and excess capacity. Legacy carriers, hav ing invested billions in their hub airports, found themselves unable to quickly sh ift demand to other routes. Low-cost carriers, who did not face the sa me sunk costs, capitalized on this opportunity and dominated the point-to-poin t routes. Two factors, however, affected the entire industry related to 9/ 11 that transcended both the hub and spoke model and the point-to-point model . Following the terrorist attacks, demand for air travel dropped st eeply, as travelers feared flying. Secondly, flying was recognized as an incon venient mode of travel, since long delays persisted as a result of the tigh t security which discouraged many people from traveling. International airlines faced similar challenges, as Cathay Pacific Airways, whose hub is located in Hong Kong, faced an extreme drop in traffic during the severe acute res piratory syndrome (“SARS”) outbreak in 2002 and could not easily alter routes. The health outbreak forced Cathay, who primarily operates international flights, to cut its normal weekly schedule by 45% as passenger books plunged 8 0% (11, 12). In comparison, low-cost airline Dragonair, based out o f Hong Kong, dropped 36% of its flights and adapted to demand, transferring aircraft to operate more flights to Mainland China. While both 9/11 and SARS drastically effected legacy carriers and had less of an impact on LCC’s, there are external shocks that effect the entire industry and severely impact airline’s bottom lines. On April 15, 2010, the Icelandic volcano Eyjafjall ajökul violently erupted, spewing ash several kilometers into the at mosphere, leading to the
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15 congestion. These issues brought light to the true flaw in the hub and spoke model: its inability to adapt quickly to external s hocks, leaving airlines with deserted flights and costly equipment and staff idl ing at hubs. The hub and spoke model is extremely vulnerable to external shocks. These shocks include momentous events such as the t errorist attacks of 9/11, medical pandemics such as the severe acute respirat ory syndrome (SARS) outbreak of 2002, the recent Iceland volcano erupti on, increases in fuel prices, and even smaller-scale events such as bad w eather or a security breach. Following the dot-com bust in 2000, 9/11 t riggered financial catastrophe for the susceptible airline industry. “In the United States alone, the industry posted cumulative net losses of over $ 40 billion from 2001 to 2005 […] and there were immediate layoffs and cutbac ks of almost 20% in total system capacity” (10). Source: IATA (31)
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14 tariffs were based on the country of origin, and th ere was no code sharing between airlines (46). The opening of the skies tr anslated into improved services for travelers, who now faced a copious amo unt of choice when flying certain routes, as well as lower prices because of competition. Networks Post 1978, legacy airlines architected and thrived on what famously became knows as the hub and spoke model. The idea is relatively simple, and revolutionized the industry at the time; an airline selects an airport with a central geographic location, relative to major traf fic flows, and operates flights in-and-out of this central hub enabling mor e cities, or spokes, to be reached. The benefits to the airline are numerous and can ultimately percolate down to consumers. One such example that effects both parties is the possibility for “larger aircraft to be used, gi ving access to lower seat- kilometer costs. This may in turn result in lower fares” (7). Airlines also can leverage the hub and spoke model to decrease labor and equipment costs. Rather than having support staff across many cities , airlines can centralize their operations, lowering costs (8). “Hub-and-spok e systems decreased unit costs but created high fixed costs that required la rger terminals, investments in information technology systems, and intricate re venue management systems” (9). So while there are benefits to the h ub and spoke model, there are also clear negatives. On a consumer facing fro nt, the hub and spoke model was widely unpopular with passengers because of increased delays and
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13 potentially provide 420 connecting and direct fligh ts, or 210 distinct services (with outbound and return flights counted as one se rvice). If the airline forms an alliance with a partner also operating at 21 air ports (with one common airport), the number of possible connections increa ses to 1,640” (30). The benefits to consumers are clear: more destinations, lower prices, more departure times, access to more lounges, faster mil eage rewards, and around the world tickets (29). This is a result of the a irlines sharing facilities, cooperating on sales, and making investments in dif ferent regions around the world. Open Skies Agreements Following deregulation in 1978, the U.S. “open mar ket” was hailed as a liberalization of the airline industry. However, t here were a few critical features of the open market bilateral agreements th at impeded a full liberalization. In the 1980’s, many of the U.S. leg acy carriers, seeking to obtain larger market shares in the international ar ena, pushed for further liberalization for 2 primary reasons. First, as maj or domestic carriers who were relatively new to the international space, the y recognized long-term opportunities for expansion in the international ma rkets as opposed to a more mature domestic market (46). Secondly, they argued that they could have more success in a fully liberalized open skies envir onment than their international counterparts because they could lever age their large U.S. domestic networks (46). Some of the features imped ing this liberalization included a full opening of route access, meaning no t all destinations are open,
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12 consumers and the airlines benefit by the advent of loyalty programs. Airlines enjoy a faithful consumer base while charg ing more for airfare; passengers seek to earn free tickets and other rewa rds. The frequent-flyer loyalty programs will only increase in size as airli ne alliances grow. Alliances With the airline industry catering to a global audi ence, it is critical for airlines to be able to reach all areas of the world . Unfortunately, hardly any single airline, no matter its size or scope, is able to efficiently provide service to destinations around the world. To counteract th is fault, airlines form alliances with one another, thereby increasing thei r market presence and expanding their network. “An airline alliance is a code-sharing agreement between two (or more) airlines to offer a broader a rray of services to their customers than they could individually” (27). Thes e agreements are the opposite of pre-regulation times, as airlines now p artner with one another to access more routes, enabling them to issue tickets for flights operated as if they are its own (27). While larger airlines have a greements with regional carriers, the concept of alliances has now spread i nternational, with U.S. airline’s partnering with foreign airlines to offer an expansive network that reaches all axis of the globe. The three largest a lliances are the Star Alliance, SkyTeam, and OneWorld (29). Price Waterhouse Coopers ran a study on “Airline Alliances and Competition in Transatlantic Airline Markets” and found that “A single airline serving 20 airports fr om its main hub can
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11 Source: Global airlines (36) The original demand curve, before incurring marketi ng expenses, is represented by the line D1. As a base, if the fare charged is P1, the number of passengers carried will be Q1 at point A. Followin g a marketing campaign, such as advertising a loyalty scheme, the demand cu rve shifts right and the slope becomes steeper along D2, representing a more inelastic demand to price. As a result of this rightward shift, the ai rline’s benefits are twofold: 1.) It increases its number of passengers at the origin al price at point B, while 2.) It can raise the fare and still having a substantia l increase in passengers, represented at point C (36). From this example, we can glean that both
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10 American Express recently teamed with Delta Air Lin es to earn one mile for virtually every dollar spent, as well as offering a bonus of 20,000 miles just for getting the card (28). These companies are in terested in partnership agreements because of the extensive membership roll s the airlines possess and the marketing opportunities as a result of thes e lists (27). American Express is able to advertise its new credit cards d irectly to Delta SkyMiles members because of their partnership. In essence, “FFP’s raise passengers ‘switching’ costs, making it relatively expensive, in terms of lost rewards, to transfer their patronage from one airline to anothe r” (36). American Airlines pioneered loyalty programs in 1981, and was soon th ereafter followed by major carriers such as United Airlines, Delta Airli nes, and others in introducing FFPs (27). After the introduction of F FPs, airlines found that loyalty programs were often more profitable than ot her forms of marketing, such as comparing services, routes, and price (36). In addition to lower marketing expenses, FFP’s provided airlines with gr eat revenue, as evidenced by the figure below.
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9 to a more efficient workforce and lower costs, but also would increase passenger satisfaction. As a result, the cost-cutt ing measures implemented during the recession by LCC’s did not negatively im pact their reputations, and the LCC’s were able to take advantage of the legacy carrier’s weaknesses. Frequent-Flyer Programs Facing increased competition, the legacy carriers, fighting to retain customers, introduced frequent-flyer loyalty progra ms (FFP) which reward customer loyalty with tickets, cabin upgrades, prio rity check-in, priority boarding, lounge access, and other benefits (27). These innovative programs allow customers to enroll in an airline’s program, after which passengers accumulate mileage points according to distance tra veled and travel class, with first and business class passengers receiving multiples of the base rate (36). Passengers can then redeem those miles for r ewards such as free or discounted tickets and cabin upgrades. This is cri tical to brand loyalty as customers may choose airlines based on their award status with the airline rather than a slight price difference. For example , if a passenger has a certain flight status on United Airlines, but American Airl ines is offering a cheaper flight, it may be worth it to fly United to gain mi les if the price difference is not substantial. One recent development has increa sed the speed at which consumers accumulate frequent-flyer miles. Nonairl ine companies, particularly credit card companies, are now partner ing with the airlines to offer awards and miles for nonairline goods and ser vices. For example,
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8 controlled fares and set routes. The effects of de regulation include increased competition, lower fares, new carriers, frequent-fl yer loyalty programs, alliances, and networks (27). Whereas prior to 1978 the airlines competed more through advertising and onboard services than fares, the so called “legacy” carriers now faced stiff competition from new low-cost carriers (LCCs) who leveraged the advantages granted under t he deregulated market (4). One freedom granted under the new rules was t he opening of routes, enabling the low-cost carriers to pioneer the point -to-point service model. This model allows for greater efficiency, as the ai rlines can achieve shorter turnaround times, better fuel efficiency, and high aircraft utilization (5). From a consumer standpoint, travelers benefited as well, with passengers having a choice of two or more carriers on routes ( 27). Another advantage the low-cost carriers exploited was their ability to ne gotiate favorable terms with their unions, enabling such benefits as cross-utili zation of employees, further enabling them to offer lower fares while maintainin g margins. This starkly contrasts with the legacy carriers who carried over their cost structures from the pre-regulation era, in which they faced a highl y unionized labor force (4). As a result, LCC’s possess a substantial cost advan tage over legacy carriers simply because they are able to generate more outpu t per employee (10). “In 2004, Southwest produced 3.2 million available seat -miles per employee, as compared to 2.2 million at American. By this measur e, the productivity of Southwest employees was 45% higher than at American […]” (10). Southwest recognized that focusing on employee happiness first would not only translate
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7 the United States Government in 1938. “The Civil A eronautics Act of 1938 applied to interstate operations of U.S. airlines a nd gave the Civil Aeronautics Board (CAB) authority to regulate which airlines op erated on each route and what fares they could charge” (25). This set the s tage for an industry comprised of a few major players who controlled spe cific regions. CAB strictly enforced routes, granting only 1 airline p er route unless demand was sufficient to support more carriers (25). In addit ion, CAB set the fares for each route, ensuring the airlines a fixed rate of r eturn, but giving them little incentive to lower costs (25). Unfortunately, the CAB’s oversight became a “textbook case of how the regulatory process can ov erwhelm substance and how regulation protected the airlines from competit ion at the expense of consumers and competitors” (26). For example, airl ines seeking to add additional service between two given cities often f aced extensive hearings, only to result in denied service or acceptance with restrictions (26). While this regulated structure gave birth to large airlin es like Pan Am and Eastern who dominantly controlled regions, it stifled compe tition, resulting in higher fares and frustrated travelers. Starting in 1976 a nd through 1978, the CAB heard calls for change, and policymakers began to r ealize that airlines could better serve consumers with an opening of the skies (26). In 1978 the American government deregulated its dom estic airline market under the Airline Deregulation Act. This le gislation drastically changed both the structure of the industry and indi vidual airlines as market forces took over the duties of the Civil Aeronautic s Board, which previously
Sid Harth
6 the number of bankruptcies continues to pile up, as airlines seek protection from creditors in Chapter 11 filings, using such me asures as a means to ease liquidity pressures and restructure costs. In the U.S., the major airlines that have filed for and come out of Chapter 11 bankrupt cy are: US Airways, United Airlines, Delta Airlines, Northwest Airlines , and Continental Airlines, which recently merged with United Airlines on Octob er 1, 2010 (72). That leaves American Airlines as the only major US airli ne to avoid filing for bankruptcy in the past decade. Unfortunately, Chap ter 11 bankruptcy is not a cure-all for airlines as many fail to successfully exit (4). Notably, Pan American World Airways (Pan Am), Trans World Airline s (TWA), and Eastern Airlines did not emerge from Chapter 11 and filed f or Chapter 7 bankruptcy, or liquidation. I will first provide a history of the airline industry, comparing and contrasting the landscape both pre and post der egulation. Following the industry overview, the paper looks at an airline’s cost structure, highlighting the major revenue and expense factors. Lastly, I a pplied industry specific performance metrics to a case study of Trans World A irlines (TWA) and American Airlines (AA), seeking to determine underl ying causation factors before filing for Chapter 11. These two airlines w ere chosen because of the availability of financial data and SEC filings duri ng the time period leading up to TWA’s bankruptcy filing. Chapter 1 – The Economics of the Airline Industry Following decades of growth after that first fligh t in 1903, the aeronautical industry became subject to industry-wi de regulation passed by
Sid Harth
5 2.5B passengers per year, the high-growth industry is truly global (2, 6). However, even with the industry’s continued growth, there have been numerous major airline liquidations. Prior to 1978, the competitive landscape lent itsel f to carriers dominating certain markets, which led to monopolizing behavior from the largest domestic airlines, the legacy carriers, with respec t to fares, routes, and schedules (24). The deregulation in 1978 of the US airline industry led to a paradigm shift in the market as routes opened up, f orcing the legacy carriers in the industry such as Pan Am and Eastern into a h ighly competitive, low- fare environment. Since the tragic terrorist attac ks of September 11, 2001, global airline’s performance has been particularly dismal, losing a total of 53.4 billion in net profit (3). When looking at the industry from a macro level, one cannot be surprised to hear these numbers. The airline industry is structurally challenged by its very nature, facing high fixed costs, cyclical demand, intense competition, and vulnerability to e xternal shocks. As such,
Sid Harth
If a capitalist had been present at Kitty Hawk back in the early 1900s, he should have shot Orville Wright. He would have saved his progeny money. But seriously, the airline business has been extraordinary. It has eaten up capital over the past century like almost no other business because people seem to keep coming back to it and putting f resh money in. You’ve got huge fixed costs, you’ve got strong labour unions a nd you’ve got commodity pricing. That is not a great recipe for success. I have an 800 (free call) number now that I call if I get the urge to buy an airline stock. I call at two in the morning and I say: “My name is Warren and I’m an aer oholic.” And then they talk me down.” – Warren Buffet, 2002. The year is 1903 and 2 young brothers from Ohio tri umph as their aircraft, the Wright Flyer I, takes flight for the f irst time. Little did the Wright brothers know that their breakthrough innovat ion would revolutionize the world’s largest industry, travel a nd tourism. Commercial aviation catalyzes economic growth, world trade, in ternational investment and tourism, therein expediting the globalization of other industries (1). Now boasting 230 airlines representing 125 different co untries and transporting
Sid Harth
3 Chapter 6: Recommendations ……………………………………………………….. 62 Abstract: The purpose of this study was to determine what t he critical factors are to an airline’s financial turmoil, leading ultimate ly to a bankruptcy filing. Over the past decade, the airline industries’ perfo rmance has been dismal, leading to 20 bankruptcy filings. As competition i ncreases, it is crucial for airlines to know which core business areas are esse ntial to success. This paper identifies 8 specific industry metrics that a re used to compare airlines, revealing where certain airlines falter and others shine. Some of these metrics are later applied to a case study examining Trans World Airlines (TWA) and American Airlines (AA), highlighting the factors leading to TWA’s bankruptcy filing during the same time period Ameri can Airlines remained profitable. The results show that the labor ineffi ciency, operating inefficiencies, unsuccessful fuel hedging programs, and high long-term debt are critical factors leading to an airlines bankrup tcy. Four recommendations for airlines are provided, namely: 1.) The cross-ut ilization of employees, 2.) 4 Maintain Cost Discipline, 3.) Focus on Breakeven Lo ad Factor, and 4.) Do not neglect the intangibles such as brand reputation.
Sid Harth
C l a r e m o n t C olle g e s Sc h ol a rs hi p @ C l a r e m o n t C MC S e nior The s e s C MC S tude n t S cho l a r ship 2010 Air line B a nkr upt c y: The D et e r minin g F a c t ors Le a din g t o a n Air line ‘ s D ecline J a son T ol k in C l a r em o n t M cKen n a Co lle ge
Source: TOI
…and I am Sid Harth

Happy 148th Birthday, Wassily Kandinsky

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Art Review | 'Kandinsky'

The Angel in the Architecture


Published: September 17, 2009
The Guggenheim Museum is not exactly thinking outside the spiral with its sleek Kandinsky retrospective. But maybe that’s as it should be.
Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, Artist Rights Society (ARS), New York/ADAGP, Paris
Surrealist biomorphism: “Capricious Forms” (1937), a work from Kandinsky’s Paris period, is part of a retrospective at the Guggenheim.

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Georgian National Museum, Tbilisi
"Picture With a Circle" (1911), part of a major retrospective of this Russian visionary that fills the rotunda of the Guggenheim.
The Russian avant-gardist Wassily Kandinsky — who dressed like the college professor he had trained to be and sounded like a mystic when he wasn’t thinking like a scientist — is the central god in the Guggenheim pantheon and genesis myth. The museum owns more of his work than of any other major Modernist and mounts some form of full-dress Kandinsky show like clockwork every 20 years or so.
It’s that time again. The Guggenheim’s last excursion into Kandinsky occurred in the early 1980s with three context-heavy exhibitions that examined his activities in all mediums, including his Art Nouveau embroidery and works by contemporary artists and designers. This one takes the opposite tack. It distills Kandinsky’s momentous career to about 100 paintings, with a large side order of works on paper displayed in an adjacent gallery. The canvases and almost nothing else fill Frank Lloyd Wright’s great rotunda from bottom to top, sometimes at the magisterial rate of one painting per bay.
This looks sensational. Organized with the Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus in Munich and the Pompidou Center in Paris — sites of the world’s other major Kandinsky collections — it contains stupendous loans from all over.
The 1911 “Picture With a Circle” from the Georgian National Museum in Tbilisi has never been in this country. A big, gorgeous blur of resonant blues, greens and purples electrified by a few black lines across the top, it is said to be the artist’s first completely abstract painting. But this is only relative: Kandinsky is so pertinent to the present because he tended to ignore the distinctions between abstraction and representation.
In all, this show is the perfect cap to the Guggenheim’s yearlong birthday celebration of Wright’s building, which opened 50 years ago on Oct. 21.
Lots of museums have foundational artists. The Museum of Modern Art has Picasso and Matisse; the Whitney Museum of American Art, Edward Hopper. But Kandinsky is the angel in the architecture at the Guggenheim; he’s part of the bedrock. The circling ramp of Wright’s rotunda was surely designed with that Russian’s swirling, unanchored abstractions in mind. Kandinsky’s precarious, ever-moving compositions suggest that he never met a diagonal he didn’t like; Wright obliged with a museum on a perpetual tilt.
Wright might deny the connection, but he was chosen by Hilla Rebay, a German painter and the museum’s founding director, and she had Kandinsky on the brain. Solomon R. Guggenheim, her patron, caught the fever, and between 1929 and his death in 1949, he acquired scores of works by the artist. All were given to the Museum of Non-Objective Painting, which he and Rebay founded in 1937. (It was renamed in Guggenheim’s honor in 1952.)
The purity of the present show limits Kandinsky’s immensity a bit. It simplifies a vision that held music, painting and language as part of a continuum and relegates his activities as theoretician, essayist, poet and (arts) community organizer to the show’s informative, discreetly placed wall texts. In both of his best-known books — “Concerning the Spiritual in Art” (1912) and “Point and Line to Plane” (1926) — he displays a remarkable ability to reconcile the redemptive power of art’s “inner pulsations,” meant to be experienced “with all one’s senses” and exacting diagrams of the formal effect of different colors, shapes and lines, each of which he felt had a distinct sound. There are formalist possibilities in these pages that Clement Greenberg never imagined.
The impact of his thought on his contemporaries was tremendous. It is always startling to learn, for example, that Hugo Ball and the Zurich Dadaists revered Kandinsky, included his paintings in their exhibitions and read his poetry at their soirees. Some of these poems are virtual prescriptions for performance art. For example, “Not,” in his collection “Sounds” (1912), describes a “jumping man” who “dug a small very round depression” in the ground and “jumped over it without stopping every day from 4 o’clock to 5.” More than a few gallery receptionists of the moment have witnessed things like that.
Kandinsky was alternately propelled by ambition and history itself. By 1901, barely six years after the combined experiences of a Monet“Haystack” and Wagner’s “Lohengrin” jolted him, at 30, to leave Russia for art study in Munich, he had rebelled against the academy and organized like-minded colleagues into the Phalanx. He would go on to become the founding president of the New Artists Association in Munich in 1909. Two years later, when that body chafed at his abstract tendencies, he left to form the Blue Rider group with, among others, the painters Franz Marc, Alexej von Jawlensky and Gabriele Münter, for whom he had left his first wife in 1907.
The outbreak of World War I forced him back to Russia, where he joined the Constructivist experiment, as well as the government bureaucracy. In 1921 he and his new wife, Nina, repaired to Berlin, pushed by physical privation and the rejection of Kandinsky’s teaching ideas. By 1922, he was teaching at the Bauhaus and living next door to his great friend Paul Klee. But this idyll ended when the Nazis closed the school in 1933. Then it was on to Paris, the last stop, where he worked, despite increasingly scant art supplies, until his death in 1944.
The Guggenheim’s lean, clean presentation makes the show as much a Kandinsky-Wright reunion as a retrospective. After Kandinsky’s early chivalric fantasies and landscapes with their vivid stained-glass colors on the rotunda’s first level, the compositions explode into centrifugal abstractions and semi-abstractions that echo Wright’s plunging space-for-space’s-sake rotunda. Nearly each of the exploratory works from 1909 to 1914 — there are more than 40 here — is a hole in the membrane of observable reality that reveals a nonobjective cosmos defined by tangles of line and colored shapes and shadings. Each is a brave new crowded world in free fall, full of more forms, colors and agitation than any single painting needs.
But mainly the show offers an unencumbered view of Kandinsky’s painting career and a style that he adjusted with every change of setting, tending toward Constructivism in Moscow, toward Klee at the Bauhaus and toward a Surrealist-tinged biomorphism — for which he had laid the groundwork 20 years earlier — in Paris. Not surprisingly, he bristled at the suggestion that he had been influenced by Arp and Miró.
Kandinsky’s stature is always a bit wobbly in New York, where the Modern’s heavy-duty Francophilia has had such a long run. This show allows reassessment of the conventional wisdom that his art went into fairly steep decline after 1921, or even 1914. I think one problem is that Kandinsky did not make cleanly resolved masterpieces. He never painted a perfect picture.
His Munich abstractions, which contain hints of landscapes and of his mounted knights, in particular defy resolution. They try to catch art’s transformative powers in the act and are in essence Process-Art narratives.
But the surprise of this show is the strong case it makes for Kandinsky’s long-disparaged Paris paintings, where his colors fade to delicate pastels, his brushy surfaces tighten up, and he catalogs biomorphic form to an extent unmatched by any of his colleagues in that city. Unlike the Munich pictures, which for all their wonderfulness are somewhat repetitive, these paintings are different every time out.
The view that these works are finicky, designy period pieces doesn’t recede entirely here. But with time, the notion that a great artist’s late phase has once more been seriously underestimated could prevail. Kandinsky, the most well-rounded and compleat of Modernist prophets, always had more ideas than he knew what to do with. At the end of his hectic, productive life, he finally began to lay them out one at a time. This marvelous show starts settling the dust.
“Kandinsky” opens on Friday and continues through Jan. 13 at the Guggenheim Museum, 1071 Fifth Avenue, at 89th Street; (212) 423-3500, guggenheimdotorgga.

Art Review

Back in the Blue Saddle, for a Gallop to Abstraction

Neue Galerie Examines 15 Years of Kandinsky

Musée National d'Art Moderne. Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris; 2013 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York/ADAGP, Paris
Kandinsky’s sketch of a panel for a 1922 art show in Berlin. The mural has been recreated for the exhibition at the Neue Galerie.
New Yorkers might be forgiven for greeting “Vasily Kandinsky: From Blaue Reiter to the Bauhaus, 1910-1925,” at the Neue Galerie, with a shrug and a distinct feeling of déjà vu. Wasn’t it just three years ago now that the Guggenheim mounted a full retrospective, a delirium-inducing helix of Kandinskys?

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This, however, is a different kind of show: a boutique Kandinsky exhibition at a boutique museum. (Surprisingly, it’s the first all-Kandinsky affair in the Neue’s 12-year history). And it centers on a rich period — also the purview of the Museum of Modern Art’s recent “Inventing Abstraction, 1910-1925” — that saw Kandinsky moving from the prismatic Expressionism of Der Blaue Reiter, the Munich-based artist group named for the motif of a blue horse and rider, into pure abstraction and from easel paintings into set designs and decorative murals.
The exhibition is further distinguished by a reconstruction of one of those mural projects, first made for the 1922 Juryfreie Kunstschau (Jury-Free Art Show) in Berlin: a total Kandinsky immersion, with brightly colored lines and circles and wobbly little forms glowing against black and dark-brown walls.
Elsewhere the installation is choppy, as is often the case in these galleries. Walls have been color-blocked in shades of lavender, ivory and plum, as if viewers could not be trusted to distinguish between, say, Kandinsky’s woozy Blaue Reiter paintings and the clean-edged geometry of his Bauhaus phase. The inescapable soundtrack of Mussorgsky and Schoenberg does not help to smooth things over.
But over all, the show’s fits and starts feel true to Kandinsky’s growing pains during these formative years for abstract art. They also make clear that his philosophies, codified in his famous book “Concerning the Spiritual in Art,” did not always mesh with the more pragmatic approaches of his colleagues and collectors.
As an instructor at the Bauhaus, for instance, where he taught from 1922 until it was shuttered by the Nazis in 1933, he chafed at the school’s idea of painting as an applied art. “Many demand that we should serve industry, that we should supply patterns for materials, ties, socks, crockery, parasols, ashtrays, carpets,” he wrote. “Or that we should leave off painting pictures once and for all.”
Organized by the art historian Jill Lloyd, the show stresses networks and associations over chronology. It moves from the Blaue Reiter years of 1911-14 to the Bauhaus, but then backtracks to a gallery of larger paintings made for American collectors around the time of the 1913 Armory Show. From there it skips to the experimental theater and mural work, concluding with the Jury-Free project of 1922.
All of this back-and-forth can make the show feel a bit unmoored. Fortunately, it’s stabilized by some judicious loans, among them Franz Marc’s mystically intense painting “The Large Blue Horses” from the Walker Art Center and such Kandinsky works as “Fugue” from the Fondation Beyeler in Basel, the Guggenheim’s “Painting with White Border,” and several abstractions from the Yale University Art Gallery’s important “Société Anonyme” collection.
Yale’s “Improvisation 7 (Storm),” from 1910, for instance, hangs next to two early Kandinsky streetscapes (1908 and 1909) from the Neue’s collection; together, these works show him making a transition out of Post-Impressionism, melting down its forms without changing the acidity of the palette.
And in the next gallery, four works from MoMA reveal Kandinsky’s deep ambivalence about the decorative possibilities of abstract painting. Titled “The Seasons,” these brushy, densely patterned panels were painted in 1914 for the foyer of the auto magnate Edwin R. Campbell’s Park Avenue apartment.
The collector Arthur Jerome Eddy, who knew Campbell and helped Kandinsky secure the commission, had suggested that the panels be modeled on an earlier painting in his own collection, one “so brilliant in color that it makes a beautiful wall decoration.” In three of the Campbell panels, Kandinsky complied, but the remaining one is noticeably darker and muddier — signaling, perhaps, a level of discomfort with the appreciation of his paintings as a kind of benign wallpaper.
For him, expanding painting from easels to walls was part of a larger mission to bring the Wagnerian concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk, or total artwork, into the 20th century. As the catalog essayist Rose-Carol Washton Long points out, that mission was as political as it was aesthetic; Kandinsky advocated clashes of sound and color, “multiple dissonant stimuli,” the better to disrupt complacency.
With the murals for the Jury-Free show, he had a chance to practice environmental painting on his own terms. The setting, an octagonal entrance hall for a modern art museum, was ideal for a wraparound artwork. Directing a team of students from the Bauhaus mural workshop, Kandinsky had them paint a scattering of geometric and biomorphic shapes on large canvas-covered wood panels. The originals were dismantled at the close of the 1922 Show and subsequently lost, but process photographs and a complete set of sketches survive.
One peculiar problem plagues the Neue’s re-creation, which has been executed by Daedalus Design and Production and is accompanied by recordings of atonal piano pieces by Schoenberg: the paintings have been reproduced exactingly from Kandinsky’s sketches, as if they had been enlarged, so that each wobble of the brush or hastily filled-in area is magnified. Ms. Lloyd said she was trying to distinguish this reconstruction from a tidier, more interpretive one presented at the Pompidou Center in Paris in 1976, but it’s nonetheless a distracting curatorial choice.
If you are able to look past it, however, you’ll be rewarded with the rare sensation of floating around inside a Kandinsky — one that merges the rigid geometry of his Bauhaus period with the wavy lines and kaleidoscopic clusters of his earlier abstract canvases. It connects the Gesamtkunstwerk to more contemporary multisensory installation art, and is as good an excuse as any for yet another Kandinsky show.
“Vasily Kandinsky: From Blaue Reiter to the Bauhaus, 1910-1925” runs through Feb. 10 at the Neue Galerie New York, 1048 Fifth Avenue, at 86th Street; (212)628-6200, neuegaleriedotorgga.


Photo
Jules Maeght, right, with Clovis Prévost, left, and the photographer Eric Alexandre at the Maeght Foundation in France.Credit Jules Maeght Gallery

In 1945 the dealers Aimé and Marguerite Maeght opened the first Galerie Maeght in Paris with a show of wartime drawings by Henri Matisse. It soon became a locus for the postwar avant-garde, showing everyone from Marcel Duchamp to Joan Miró and becoming so successful that, at one time or another, it had a second Paris branch, and outposts in Barcelona, New York and Zurich.
The family still runs a print shop and a publishing house for editioned prints, and its museum, the Marguerite and Aimé Maeght Foundation in St. Paul de Vence, France, has been a highlight of the Côte d’Azur since it opened in 1964. As Miró once told The New York Times, Maeght has “a personality that will leave its mark on the artistic world of the 20th century.”
Now the couple’s grandson, the third-generation dealer Jules Maeght, hopes to make his mark on San Francisco, too. On Nov. 14, he will open the Jules Maeght Gallery, in Hayes Valley, a newly fashionable neighborhood that lies just west of the San Francisco Opera House and Twitter headquarters.
Photo
Work by Mr. Prévost (a photograph documenting “8500 Tons of Iron”), left; and Joan Miró.Credit From left: Clovis Prévost; Joan Miró/Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York
The gallery’s inaugural show, “Art in Motion,” will focus on kinetic art — often described as sculpture that moves, ideally with a machinelike aesthetic. It will mix the work of European and American masters like Miró, Wassily Kandinsky and Alexander Calder with that of contemporary San Franciscans mining a similar vein, like Kal Spelletich, a pioneer of San Francisco’s machine-art scene.
Organized by Mr. Maeght and a childhood friend, Natasha Boas, a French-American curator associated with San Francisco’s so-called Mission School, the show aims to link the anarchic spirit that once animated Dada and Surrealism with that of San Francisco’s experimental art scene.
One reason Mr. Maeght wanted to open with kinetic art was that his family had embraced it since the beginning. The Paris gallery’s second show, “Le Surréalisme,” was organized in 1947 by André Breton and Marcel Duchamp, whose 1913 “Bicycle Wheel,” mounted on a stool, is generally regarded as the first kinetic artwork, as well as the first ready-made, an everyday object selected and designated as art. Mr. Maeght said he saw in the idea “a way to include every kind of media,” from drawings and videos to performance and installation.
As for Ms. Boas, who grew up in San Francisco and spent time as a teenager in the 1980s hanging out with the robot art collective Survival Research Laboratories, she felt it made perfect sense to showcase “the very strong relationship between Silicon Valley and San Francisco’s creative culture,” she said, while “opening up the aesthetic conversation around motion and kinetics and robotics.”
Underlining that connection, the gallery itself is housed in a Gough Street building thought to have once served as a studio for the San Francisco artist-inventor Rube Goldberg, known for devising wacky contraptions and machines.
The heart of the show is the 14-minute film “8500 Tonnes de Fer” (“8500 Tons of Iron”), made in 1971 by two longtime Maeght artists, the Belgian kinetic sculptor Pol Bury and the French photographer Clovis Prévost. To create it, they put a 6 1/2-foot-high fun house mirror in the elevator of the Eiffel Tower: Bury wiggled it as they rode up and down, while Mr. Prévost filmed the Industrial Revolution marvel reflected in its surface. This transforms the tower’s carefully calibrated cross-bracings and arches into mind-bending swirls.
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Work by Pol Bury, left, and Kal Spelletich.Credit From left: Pol Bury/Artists Rights Society(ARS), New York; Kal Spelletich/Jules Maeght Gallery

“It’s very much a period film insofar as it’s psychedelic,” Ms. Boas said. “But there’s also this idea that they’re contorting this technologically groundbreaking machine with all these optical tricks.” It will be accompanied by about two dozen photographs by Mr. Prévost that document the production.
The show also includes machinelike sculptures by Bury and Miró, represented here by a 1974 bronze that’s part cannon, part man. Among the other kinetic “old masters,” as Mr. Maeght calls them, are a 1926 suite of geometric drawings by Kandinsky and works on paper and a rare standing mobile from Calder, made in the early 1970s when the sculptor was spending much of his time in France. (All come from the personal collections of Mr. Maeght and his father, Adrien; none have been shown in America before and about half will be for sale.)
Galerie Maeght in Paris is also sending work by the contemporary British performance artist Kirstie MacLeod: a video documenting a 2007 event in which the artist’s glamorous evening gown is gradually nailed to the floor, rendering her immobile; and photographs of another from 2009 in which she entangles herself underwater in a hand-woven web and then fights her way free.
Much of the San Francisco work is more focused on technology and multimedia. Marshall Elliott, a recent master’s graduate of the San Francisco Art Institute, will contribute three constructions that use motorized elements, as well as light and shadow, to create kinetic installations, like “Ghost Bike” (2013). A robotic bicycle that circles the gallery ceaselessly, ringing a bell at each revolution as it traces a ring and casts shadows on the floor, it suggests a homage to Duchamp.
Also in the show is work by the Oakland-based artist Tracey Snelling, whose diorama-like installations of buildings and towns are often brought to life with lights, sound and video. The largest piece she will show here is “Bridge,” a 2012 mixed-media assemblage that depicts another engineering marvel, the Golden Gate Bridge. It’s made with an inkjet print on wood, but one tower is inset with flickering video footage of the road, taken from a traveling car, which creates the illusion of depth and movement.
Then there is Mr. Spelletich, whom Ms. Boas jokingly calls the “elder statesman” of the group. In the 1990s he became known for building interactive fire-breathing robots, made from welded metal and computer parts; he also helped found bacchanalia like the Nevada arts festival Burning Man and the annual flash mobs of naughty Santas known as Santacon. Recently, however, his work has taken a more abstract and spiritual turn, as in the two small “Locally Euclidean” constructions he will show here. Made this year from found wood and scrap metal, they bristle with rough sticks that undulate gently like tree branches when touched, “triggered by sensors that read your aura,” Mr. Spelletich said. He calls them “mystical machines.”
But Mr. Spelletich has something more chaotic in mind for the first night of the show, where he may bring out what he calls his “more celebratory” pieces, like his hugging machine or his whiskey-pouring robots. “They’re always a huge hit,” Mr. Spelletich said. “But I think it’s more appropriate to build a champagne-sabering robot and honor the French. So I’m working on that.”

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ART REVIEW; Kandinsky and Schoenberg, Seen and Heard on Canvas

By ROBERTA SMITH
Published: October 24, 2003

When it comes to ''Schoenberg, Kandinsky and the Blue Rider'' at the Jewish Museum, we can be grateful on two counts. First, in a time when recorded music often wafts through museum exhibitions, the organizers of this show have refrained from making us listen while we look -- even though they might have claimed every right to do so. The show examines a historical intersection of art and music: the friendship between the Viennese Modernist composer Arnold Schoenberg and the Russian Modernist painter Wassily Kandinsky.
But fortunately, musical accompaniment has been limited to the Acoustiguide, which in this case is a valuable aid that I recommend listening to -- at least the musical selections -- with eyes shut. Kandinsky's roiling paintings, radical in their time, may have lost much of their ability to shock, assuming a secure place in both the history of art and public consciousness. But Schoenberg's tumultuous music, like Malevich's ''Black Square,'' remains relatively unassimilated, emblematically modern. It demands your complete attention and is not about to fade quietly into any easy-listening background. (A related article appears on Page 1 of Weekend.)
The second cause for gratitude is that Schoenberg was himself a painter, a genuine if somewhat capricious hit-and-miss one. His efforts, usually small and often wan, center on self-portraits and are variously outsiderish, nearly abstract and conventionally representational. The last category includes a series of full-size portraits of friends, which he painted on commission in an attempt to support himself.
The 36 Schoenberg paintings here outnumber all else and add a wonderful emotional weight to the visual firepower of the rest of the show: 13 paintings by Kandinsky, as well as 12 by other members of the German Expressionist Blue Rider (Blaue Reiter) group, which flourished briefly just before the First World War -- among them Franz Marc, Alexi von Jawlensky, August Macke, Albert Bloch and Gabriele Münter, Kandinsky's companion. Flitting in and out among more professional, fully committed visual statements, Schoenberg's images both disrupt and pull together the exhibition's visual narrative in an essential way.
This exhibition, organized by Fred Wasserman, the museum's associate curator, and Esther da Costa Meyer, an art historian at Princeton, concentrates on a thin slice of history to the exclusion of much -- maybe too much -- else; but it is a relatively unexamined slice, centering on two giants in the history of Modernism. Their sensibilities crossed paths in January 1911, when Kandinsky heard Schoenberg's controversial atonal music for the first time at a concert in Munich. Inspired, he painted ''Impression III (Concert),'' now in the collection of the Lenbachhaus in Munich.
This work, at the beginning of the show, is visiting the United States for the first time. In this context, at least, the grand piano and the attentive audience that the painting loosely depicts are startlingly recognizable, but it is still an unusually raw, unfussy work for Kandinsky.
Mainly through letters, the painter and the composer established an immediate rapport as kindred Modernist soul mates. Probably taking a swipe at Cubism, Kandinsky wrote, ''Our own modern harmony is not to be found in the 'geometric' but rather in the anti-geometric, anti-logical way'' based on ''dissonances.''
Responding, Schoenberg located their common ground ''in what you call the 'unlogical' and I call the 'elimination of the conscious will in art.''' Both were trying to move beyond traditional composition to works that put their audiences in a kind of free fall, where nothing could be taken for granted.
They saw and professed to like each other's paintings. By the fall of 1911, Kandinsky and Marc were planning to include Schoenberg's scores in the first and only Blue Rider Almanac -- a publication surveying modern, folk and children's art -- along with scores by other Viennese composers in Schoenberg's circle, like Alban Berg and Anton Webern. But in December, the supposedly forward-looking NKVM (Modern Artists Society of Munich), barely two years old, rejected Kandinsky's submission to its annual show. The Blue Rider Almanac was hastily upgraded to an exhibition. Its 48 works by 14 artists included 4 paintings by Schoenberg.
The centerpiece of the Jewish Museum's show is a big gallery devoted to that Blue Rider exhibition. Excepting a blazing little Münter landscape, the high point of the gallery display is Kandinsky's ''Sketch for Composition V'' (1911), the work rejected by the NKVM and on loan here from the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, Russia.
With black whiplash lines and its landscape forms riled to the point of dynamic near-abstraction, this work is noticeably more liberated than the pre-Schoenberg Kandinskys, which are hung in a preceding gallery, although the color is more muted. The earlier works are full of chunks of jewel-like color and hints of fairy tale landscapes, figures and horseback riders; they reflect the artist's infatuation with Persian miniatures and Russian folk art. Hints of figures would remain in Kandinsky's paintings until the 1920's, by which point his friendship with Schoenberg was mostly over. Paradoxically, it is these late works, with their crystalline geometric shapes and almost scorelike compositions, that seem closest to painted music.
 
 
The sharp focus of this exhibition may distort the importance of Schoenberg's music to Kandinsky's development. After all, it was part of an intellectual and emotional support system that included Marc, Münter and their work, as well as the cultural environment of Munich, where Kandinsky had lived since 1896. But for purely competitive reasons, artists can often feel emotionally closest to artists working in other mediums, and other cities. It can't have hurt their relationship that Schoenberg had made nearly all his paintings by 1911, the year they met.
Occupying two small galleries at the Jewish Museum, Schoenberg's paintings move in and out of Kandinsky and company's push for Modernism like a double agent -- moving ahead, then dallying behind, and either way providing both emotional and comic relief. (One image, a caustic caricature titled ''Critic,'' shows a bearded, slightly Mesopotamian face, with huge black ears.)
They make explicit the Expressionism that lurks within both Schoenberg's discordant but highly structured music and Kandinsky's more intuitive free-form paintings, revealing a basic primitive force that assumes a tamer but still essential form in the works that earned the two men their places in history.
Many of his self-portraits underscore Schoenberg's vision of the suffering artist pilloried by a philistine society with a maudlin, indulgent crudeness that rarely appears in his music. Yet other works feel strikingly advanced, and more accessible than his music. In one, a large, goofy hand reaches down to grasp a balding head -- Schoenberg's -- that features a single enormous eye staring straight into the ground. The work is pure Philip Guston.
In the most astounding images, the face is reduced to a floating eye or two embedded in pale, gently shaded monochrome grounds. Even better is a small, pale gold square, titled ''Thinking''; it seems completely abstract, until you realize that the curving mound of pink and dark brush strokes obtruding into the painting from the bottom edge is undoubtedly Schoenberg's own shiny pate. Looking somewhat like a painting by the midcentury American outsider Forrest Bess, it zeroes in on the composer's pulsing brain.
It is interesting to remember that Kandinsky's favorite paintings by Schoenberg were the more conventional, full-faced self-portraits, rather than these pared-down, flayed little images. You wonder if Kandinsky ever suspected that Schoenberg's maverick paintings might be every bit as daring as his own.
''Schoenberg, Kandinsky and the Blue Rider'' is at the Jewish Museum, Fifth Avenue at 92nd Street, (212) 423-3200, through Feb. 12.
Photo: A detail from Kandinsky's study ''Watercolor With Red Spot.'' (Photo by $; 2003 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York/ADAGP, Paris)


Archives

Review/Art; Russia's Fling With the Future

By MICHAEL KIMMELMAN
Published: September 25, 1992

"THE GREAT UTOPIA," the survey of Russian and Soviet avant-garde art opening today at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, intends to overwhelm the viewer, and unfortunately it does. With more than 800 paintings, sculptures, drawings, photographs, textiles, ceramics, furniture and architectural models, occupying almost the entirety of the newly renovated building, it must surely be, as the museum boasts, the largest show in the history of the Guggenheim. At least, it feels that way.
One retreats from it like Napoleon from Moscow, bedraggled and confused. It includes compelling works, many of which have been extracted for the first time from provincial Russian museums, where these objects languished for the better part of this century because of the indifference, if not outright hostility, of the Soviet authorities. Yet the impact of the many remarkable things on view is hopelessly diluted by the exhibition's sheer size, seesawing quality, and its gimmicky and self-indulgent installation.
The opposite impression is made by a related display of Marc Chagall's 1920 murals for the Jewish Theater in Moscow at the Guggenheim's SoHo outlet. A small show of what may well be the artist's crowning achievement, a suite of delicate, witty, fanciful paintings, accompanied by text panels that put them in a clear context, it is precisely what "The Great Utopia" is not: a focused, manageable, lucid presentation.
The period under review in "The Great Utopia" encompasses the years 1915, when Suprematism was introduced to the Russian public in the exhibition called "0.10," through 1932, when Stalin prepared to bring artistic experimentation in his country to a violent and irrefutable end. The principal figures of those years, including Kasimir Malevich, Vladimir Tatlin, El Lissitzky, Liubov Popova, Varvara Stepanova and Aleksandr Rodchenko, have long been known in the West; and especially during the last several years, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the opening up of its archives, the works of these artists have been frequently and widely exhibited.
But these works form only part of a far larger, and more complex, story; the avant-garde included numerous adherents who divided themselves among competing factions, which today can be hard to distinguish visually and which the exhibition, although it includes dozens of lesser-known artists, does an inadequate job of sorting out and defining.
The show does make all too apparent, with so many similar works in gallery after gallery, that the avant-garde could be as doctrinaire and authoritarian as the old guard against which it was reacting. Change, yes, but only within the boundaries established by the new artistic leadership. Chagall was driven from his post as commissar of art in the city of Vitebsk by the Suprematists. And not long after Wassily Kandinsky organized an institute in Moscow for the study of art, he was also run out of town, by the Constructivists who considered his paintings too subjective, too spiritualistic. A very beautiful group of Kandinskys, with their soft, swimming, brilliantly colored shapes -- like Suprematist paintings submerged in water -- stand out in this context for their unmistakable and inspiring individuality.
It was not on the individual but rather on the multitude that the avant-gardists concentrated their energies. Yet they failed to win over the Soviet masses, and despite their claims to the contrary, remained an elite. Even the marvelous geometric designs for textiles that artists like Popova and Stepanova conceived as symbols of the new classless society, to replace the old floral prints, found few takers. Likewise, it was partly in response to the public's attachment to realism that many artists by the early 1920's had abandoned abstraction and returned to figuration. The story of the avant-garde may be one of tremendous creativity, intense energy and lofty aspirations, but it is also one of misguided ideas and contradictory impulses.
"The Great Utopia" is at its best when it does not merely celebrate the avant-garde or rehash the standard events, like "0.10" or the later "5 x 5 = 25" exhibition, but instead when it points up the unsteadiness and factionalism of the era. The last part of the show, particularly the final gallery with its figurative works, is the most remarkable because it is the least familiar, even though, like the rest of the exhibition, it is in serious need of trimming. To see the crisp, dark, brutal works of Aleksandr Deineka, the George Grosz-like watercolors of Yuri Pimenov, and even the pathetically painted fantasies of Aleksandr Tyshler is to get a broader feel for the period than is typically served up.
There are other highlights in the show. One of them is the work of Lev Yudin, whose Cubist canvases and drawings are remarkably subtle and alive. Another is the work of Pavel Filonov, the best of whose crystalline compositions, derived from nature, are seemingly illuminated by an inner light. They are interestingly juxtaposed with the later figurative paintings of Malevich, with which they share a certain otherworldliness and spiritual intensity.

The section on photography is memorable for its description of the conflict between the so-called October group, which favored fragmentary, disorienting images, and the Revolutionary Society of Proletarian Photographers, whose more straightforward pictures conformed to the realist tastes of the Soviet rulers. The photographs of El Lissitzky, and especially those of Boris Ignatovich, with their vertiginous views of Leningrad harbor, seem to capture perfectly the avant-garde's idea of a world of dynamic forms and rhythms.
Still, these are isolated works in an exhibition that overall fails to hang together. A team of 14 not always like-minded curators from three countries put together "The Great Utopia," and it shows. There is no clear unifying vision or purpose, no obvious reason why yet another examination of the subject was necessary. The event seems ultimately to be about nothing so much as its own intimidating size and the museum's diplomatic wheeling and dealing in obtaining lots of obscure works from lots of obscure places. The installation by Zaha Hadid, a kind of avant-garde theme park, is clever in the single case of a red zig-zagging wall that divides part of the museum ramp, but otherwise underscores the impression of superficiality. Time after time, as when Rodchenko's black-on-black paintings are hung on black walls, the design vies for attention with the art.
The show's grandiosity and its insensitivity to what is on view inevitably reinforce persistent doubts about the Guggenheim's direction. Once more, the notoriously overcrowded and underedited survey of contemporary German paintings, organized several years ago at the museum, comes to mind.
The Chagall exhibition suggests something else. It not only highlights the murals but also tells in extensive text panels about the Jewish Theater itself, which in the early years after the Revolution thrived under Government support as a place of raucous comedy and political satire.
Chagall's blend of Jewish imagery and modernist forms, influenced as they were by Cubism, is nowhere more sensitively and intricately realized than in these paintings. They are complemented by a room of preparatory sketches and other works, including later canvases done in Paris, which demonstrate how much his art, despite its lightheartedness, dealt in cultural memory and loss.
Between this modest show and "The Great Utopia," there is surely a satisfying middle ground for ambitious exhibitions. The Guggenheim has yet to find it.
"The Great Utopia: The Russian and Soviet Avant-Garde, 1915-1932," remains at the Guggenheim Museum, 88th Street and Fifth Avenue, Upper East Side, through Dec. 15. The show is supported by Lufthansa. Chagall's murals for the Jewish Theater remain at the SoHo Guggenheim, 575 Broadway, at Prince Street, through Jan. 17.
Photos: A 1932 lithograph, "The Victory of Socialism in Our Country Is Guaranteed," by Gustav Klutsis, at the Guggenheim Museum.; Detail from one of Chagall's 1920 murals for the Jewish Theater in Moscow, at the Guggenheim in SoHo. (1992 Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation)

Source: NYT
 
Wassily Kandinsky Life and Art Periods
"Of all the arts, abstract painting is the most difficult. It demands that you know how to draw well, that you have a heightened sensitivity for composition and for colors, and that you be a true poet. This last is essential."

WASSILY KANDINSKY SYNOPSIS

One of the pioneers of abstract modern art, Wassily Kandinsky exploited the evocative interrelation between color and form to create an aesthetic experience that engaged the sight, sound, and emotions of the public. He believed that total abstraction offered the possibility for profound, transcendental expression and that copying from nature only interfered with this process. Highly inspired to create art that communicated a universal sense of spirituality, he innovated a pictorial language that only loosely related to the outside world, but expressed volumes about the artist's inner experience. His visual vocabulary developed through three phases, shifting from his early, representative canvases and their divine symbolism to his rapturous and operatic compositions, to his late, geometric and biomorphic flat planes of color. Kandinsky's art and ideas inspired many generations of artists, from his students at the Bauhaus to the Abstract Expressionists after World War II.

WASSILY KANDINSKY KEY IDEAS

Painting was, above all, deeply spiritual for Kandinsky. He sought to convey profound spirituality and the depth of human emotion through a universal visual language of abstract forms and colors that transcended cultural and physical boundaries.
Kandinsky viewed non-objective, abstract art as the ideal visual mode to express the "inner necessity" of the artist and to convey universal human emotions and ideas. He viewed himself as a prophet whose mission was to share this ideal with the world for the betterment of society.
Kandinsky viewed music as the most transcendent form of non-objective art - musicians could evoke images in listeners' minds merely with sounds. He strove to produce similarly object-free, spiritually rich paintings that alluded to sounds and emotions through a unity of sensation.

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MOST IMPORTANT ART

TITLE: Der Blaue Reiter (The Blue Rider) (1903)
Der Blaue Reiter (The Blue Rider)(1903)
Artwork Description & Analysis: This breakthrough work is a deceptively simple image - a lone rider racing across a landscape - yet it represented a decisive moment in Kandinsky's developing style. In this painting, he demonstrated a clear stylistic link to the work of the Impressionists, like Claude Monet, particularly evident in the contrasts of light and dark on the sun-dappled hillside. The ambiguity of the form of the figure on horseback rendered in a variety of colors that almost blend together foreshadow his interest in abstraction. The theme of the horse and rider reappeared in many of his later works. For Kandinsky this motif signified his resistance against conventional aesthetic values as well as the possibilities for a purer, more spiritual life through art.
Oil on canvas - Private collection
  • Der Blaue Reiter (The Blue Rider)(1903)
  • Der Blaue Berg (The Blue Mountain)(1908-09)
  • Composition IV(1911)
  • Composition VII(1913)
  • Moscow I (Red Square)(1916)
  • Composition VIII(1923)
  • Several Circles(1926)
  • Composition X(1939)
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WASSILY KANDINSKY BIOGRAPHY

Childhood

Wassily (Vasily) Wassilyevich Kandinsky was born in 1866 in Moscow to well educated, upper-class parents of mixed ethnic origins. His father was born close to Mongolia, while his mother was a Muscovite, and his grandmother was from the German-speaking Baltic. The bulk of Kandinsky's childhood was spent in Odessa, a thriving, cosmopolitan city populated by Western Europeans, Mediterraneans, and a variety of other ethnic groups. At an early age, Kandinsky exhibited an extraordinary sensitivity toward the stimuli of sounds, words, and colors. His father encouraged his unique and precocious gift for the arts and enrolled him in private drawing classes, as well as piano and cello lessons. Despite early exposure to the arts, Kandinsky did not turn to painting until he reached the age of 30. Instead, he entered the University of Moscow in 1886 to study law, ethnography, and economics. In spite of the legal focus of his academic pursuits, Kandinsky's interest in color symbolism and its effect on the human psyche grew throughout his time in Moscow. In particular, an ethnographic research trip in 1889 to the region of Vologda, in northwest Russia, sparked an interest in folk art that Kandinsky carried with him throughout his career. After completing his degree in 1892, he started his career in law education by lecturing at the university.
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WASSILY KANDINSKY LEGACY

Kandinsky's work, both artistic and theoretical, played a large role in the philosophic foundation for later modern movements, in particular Abstract Expressionism and its variants like Color Field painting. His late, biomorphic work had a large influence on Arshile Gorky's development of a non-objective style, which in turn helped to shape the New York School's aesthetic. Jackson Pollock was interested in Kandinsky's late paintings and was fascinated by his theories about the expressive possibilities of art, in particular, his emphasis on spontaneous activity and the subconscious. Kandinsky's analysis of the sensorial properties of color was immensely influential on the Color Field painters, like Mark Rothko, who emphasized the interrelationships of hues for their emotive potential. Even the 1980s artists working in the Neo-Expressionist resurgence in painting, like Julian Schnabel and Philip Guston, applied his ideas regarding the artist's inner expression on the canvas to their postmodern work. Kandinsky set the stage for much of the expressive modern art produced in the twentieth century.

WASSILY KANDINSKY QUOTES

"Objects damage pictures."
"Colour is the key. The eye is the hammer. The soul is the piano with its many chords. The artist is the hand that, by touching this or that key, sets the soul vibrating automatically."
"The true work of art is born from the 'artist': a mysterious, enigmatic, and mystical creation. It detaches itself from him, it acquires an autonomous life, becomes a personality, an independent subject, animated with a spiritual breath, the living subject of a real existence of being."

INFLUENCES

ARTISTS
Paul Cézanne
Claude Monet
FRIENDS
Paul Klee
Franz Marc
Walter Gropius
Arnold Schoenberg
MOVEMENTS
Post-Impressionism
Fauvism
Cubism
Expressionism
Wassily Kandinsky Bio Photo
Wassily Kandinsky
Years Worked: 1900 - 1944
ARTISTS
William Baziotes Overview
William Baziotes
Arshile Gorky Overview
Arshile Gorky
Hans Hartung Overview
Hans Hartung
Hans Hofmann Overview
Hans Hofmann
FRIENDS
Solomon R. Guggenheim Overview
Solomon R. Guggenheim
Alexej von Jawlensky Overview
Alexej von Jawlensky
MOVEMENTS
Action Painting Overview
Action Painting
Color Field Painting Overview
Color Field Painting
Surrealism Overview
Surrealism


Original content written by Eve Griffin

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...and I am Sid Harth

GSLV Mark III blasts off successfully

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India's heaviest rocket GSLV Mark III blasts off successfully
HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times  New Delhi, December 18, 2014
First Published: 09:35 IST(18/12/2014) | Last Updated: 10:09 IST(18/12/2014)


The Indian Space Research Organisation (Isro) launched its heaviest rocket GSLV-Mk III on Thursday at 9:30am from Sriharikota in Andhra Pradesh.

ISRO launches India's heaviest rocket GSLV Mark 3 (Photo courtesy- DD News)

This comes less than three months after Isro successfully launched Mangalyaan – a spacecraft orbiting Mars – catapulting India to the elite league of nations who have successfully sent missions to the red planet.

GSLV Mk III is conceived and designed to make India fully self reliant in launching heavier communication satellites of INSAT-4 class, which weigh 4500 to 5000 kg. It would also enhance the capability of the country to be a competitive player in the multimillion dollar commercial launch market.

“It is an experimental mission of GSLV MkIII towards launching heavier satellites,’ Isro chairperson K Radhakrishnan told HT.

It is designed to be a three stage vehicle, with 42.4 m tall with a lift off weight of 630 tonnes.

“This is a suborbital flight, carrying a crew module which will go up to a height of 120 km and then descend,”

Space Applications Centre director Dr Kiran Kumar said: "There will be a crew module as a dummy payload and cryogenic engine for weight simulation. The experimental flight with the crew module in a spacecraft will test whether its heat shield can survive very high temperatures during its re-entry into the atmosphere.”

The MkIII will also test the recovery of a dummy crew module from sea. The success of the module will be the core for a future Human Space Project

A few years back Isro  had carried out a similar experiment on a smaller scale in which the module had orbited around the earth for 15 days before entering back.

   

    8 comments
    HindustanTimes
    coggocog

      coggocog • 5 minutes ago

    How many geosychronous satellites India needs? Railways are planning to stop concessional railways passes. Mostly students use them. Railways make four paisas per rupee. ISRO scientists, work for pittance. The best talent available for space science has been used for a long period of time. The final stage of manned mission, may take several years from now. Till that time, budgetary allocations, meager as they are, cannot sustain any gains achieved so far.
    Modi likes India to shine but he has no money after his defense spending. Add to that the cost of building one hundred smart cities, bullet trains serving only very rich and very connected folks of Mumbai and Ahmedabad, Gujarati-friends of Modi, Modi needs to rob banks. PSBs?

    Something is wrong. I want to know. Don't you?

    Hare Daridri Narayan!

    ...and I am Sid Harth

        coggocog • 21 minutes ago

    12
    Financial Performance, 2013-14
    38.
    Given the promising trend of loading, th
    e target has been scaled up to about
    1052 million tonnes from th
    e budget target of 1047 m
    illion tonnes. However, the
    average lead of freight traffic is falling, an
    d is likely to be 622 km against budgeted
    644.5 km. Yet, we are confid
    ent of surpassing the freigh
    t earnings target which has
    been increased to Rs 94,000 crore from
    Rs. 93,554 crore in Budget Estimates.
    Considering the trend of passe
    nger earnings, the revised target has been kept at Rs
    37,500 crore.
    39.
    There has been continuing
    strong inflationary pres
    sure on the input costs,
    especially the cost of fuel, both HSD Oil an
    d electrical energy. There has also been
    a higher than expected burden on account
    of significant fresh recruitment in many
    safety categories, additional dearness
    allowance for Railway employees and
    dearness relief for Railway pe
    nsioners. Yet, as a result
    of stringent and close
    monitoring, the increase un
    der Ordinary Working Expens
    es has been kept at a
    modest Rs 560 crore only. However, pensi
    on allocation requireme
    nts have gone up
    by a more significant Rs 2,000 crore.
    Dividend payment to General Revenues has
    also gone up by Rs 1,591c
    rore with the increase in
    the rate from 4% to 5%.
    40.
    Considering the trend of earnings and
    expenditure, the revised plan outlay
    stands at Rs 59,359 crore. Operating Rati
    o of Railways is likely to be 90.8% as
    against budgeted target of 87.8%.
    41.
    I would like to assure the House that
    continuing the ha
    ppy trend of 2012-
    13, and in a marked improvement from the
    two earlier years, Rail
    ways will end the
    current year with surplus, and fund balances
    would increase from Rs 2,391 crore at
    the beginning of current fiscal to Rs 8,018
    crore at the end of March, 2014. This is
    primarily attributable to strict fiscal
    discipline enforced by the organisation.
    Budget Estima
    tes, 2014-15
    42.
    Madam, I shall now deal with the
    Budget Estimates for 2014-15.
    43.
    Anticipating a healthier
    growth of economy, the fr
    eight traffic target is
    proposed at 1,101 million t
    onnes, an increment of 49.7
    million tonnes over the
    current years’ revised target
    of about 1052 million tonnes.
    44.
    The Budget Estimates for goods, passe
    nger, other coaching and sundry
    other earnings have been ke
    pt at Rs. 1,05,770 crore,
    Rs. 45,255 crore, Rs 4,200
    crore and Rs. 5,500 crore resp
    ectively in 2014-15.
    The Gross Traffic Receipts have
    been projected at Rs.
    1,60,775 crore.
    •
    Edit
    •
    Reply
    •
    Share ›
    Avatar
    coggocog • 33 minutes ago

    Budget at a Glance
    (Rs. in Crores)
    Sl.
    No
    AREA BE 2013-2014 RE 2013-2014 BE 2014-2015
    1
    Space Technology
    3869.65
    2964.96
    4339.62
    2
    Space Applications
    686.47 593.02 794.45
    3
    INSAT Operational
    1580.21 1035.8
    5 1448.21
    4
    Space Sciences
    521.29 404.50 418.30
    5
    Direction & Administration
    and Other Programmes
    134.38 173.67
    237.42
    Grand Total
    6792.00
    5172.00
    7238.00

Source: HT

...and I am Sid Harth

Rajya Sabha to set Modi on Fire

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PM Narendra Modi in Rajya Sabha Today, But BJP Adamant He Will Not Speak on Conversions

PM Narendra Modi in Rajya Sabha Today, But BJP Adamant He Will Not Speak on Conversions
PM Narendra Modi in Rajya Sabha

New Delhi Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in the Rajya Sabha today, but the ruling BJP has decided that it will not "not give an inch", said sources, on the opposition's demand for a statement from him on religious conversions.

Top leaders in the government decided not to give in to the opposition's demand after an assessment that the repeated calls for an intervention by the PM is an attempt to build a perception that he is not in control of members of his party and the government.

There are four working days left of the Winter session of Parliament and the government needs to push a number of key legislation, including major economic reforms. For days now, a united opposition has disrupted proceedings in the Rajya Sabha or Upper House of Parliament over various issues - including the repatriation of black money, hate speech by a BJP lawmaker and lately, the conversion issue.

It has rejected statements made by senior ministers, demanding that the PM come to the House and speak.

The BJP-led NDA government is in a minority in the Rajya Sabha and needs the support of other parties to push through Bills in that House. It expects a showdown on its key reform, the Insurance Bill, which 105 of the 250 lawmakers in the Upper House are opposed to, including the Congress' 66. Less than 70 support it.

The government, said sources, is even looking at the option of pushing the Insurance Bill, which seeks to raise a cap on foreign direct investment in insurance from existing 26 per cent to 49 per cent, as an Ordinance or executive order after the session if the logjam does not end.

Ahead of the session, the government had detailed 37 bills - most of which remain pending, including the Goods and Services Bill and the one to replace the Coal Ordinance.

The Goods and Services Bill is a major tax reform that requires a constitutional amendment to be approved by Parliament. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has worked long hours to bring states on board on the measure so that he can get Parliament's go-ahead in this session.

The union cabinet approved the GST bill last night. The government is expected to take the bill first for introduction to the Lok sabha where it is in majority.

The Opposition had made it clear at the start of the Winter session that it planned to block the government's efforts to move key legislation. It has managed to show rare unity in doing. The session ends on December 23, and most of the 22 sittings have been marred by opposition protests especially in the Rajya Sabha.

 Source: NDTV

Cong blames it all on Modi's 'arrogance'

New Delhi, Dec. 17: The Congress today blamed Narendra Modi's "ego and arrogance" for the continuing deadlock in the Rajya Sabha where key reform bills, including one on the insurance sector, are lined up for consideration.
Sources said the government this morning had unambiguously conveyed to the Congress that the Prime Minister wouldn't participate in the debate on communal harmony as "he doesn't like to be repeatedly questioned on issues on which he has already clarified his stand".
The Congress, on its part, told the government the upper House couldn't function unless the Prime Minister gave an assurance that the constitutional scheme on religious freedom would be respected.
"The Opposition's demand for the Prime Minister's assurance to Parliament is reasonable. If he doesn't respond, the Opposition will not relent," Congress deputy leader in the House Anand Sharma said.
The Prime Minister is not under any obligation to participate in a debate. But following the controversy over the recent "reconversion" of 350-odd minority slum-dwellers, the Opposition has decided to use the sensitive issue of harmony to mount pressure on the government and tell Modi that he would have to offer himself to parliamentary grilling.
Congress leaders said Modi would have to understand that he could not treat Parliament the way he had treated the Gujarat Assembly.
"Modi entered Parliament for the first time after becoming the Prime Minister and gave an emotional speech saying this was a temple for him," Congress general secretary Digvijaya Singh told The Telegraph. "Now he does not want to even commit in Parliament that he will ensure constitutional principles are honoured. He never answered any question in the Gujarat Assembly and had his way by suspending the Opposition. This will not be possible here."
Sharma said the government's "arrogance and obduracy" were "solely responsible" for the "stalemate" in the Rajya Sabha. "The Prime Minister believes in one-way communication. He doesn't like to be questioned. But the democratic narrative is never one way. He is the PM because there is a parliamentary system of governance and he will have to be answerable to Parliament," Sharma said.
"We want to make it clear that the government should not and must not expect the Opposition will salute if he comes and speaks."
Asked if the Opposition wouldn't allow the Rajya Sabha to function till the Prime Minister responded, he said: "I think we have made it abundantly clear."
Sharma, who is leading the Opposition charge in the Rajya Sabha, referred to provocative statements by BJP MPs and ministers on conversions and other issues. "We know the statements are deliberately being made to create communal disturbances to divert the nation's attention from non-fulfilment of promises and mismanagement of the economy. The Prime Minister is complicit. This is happening by design, not default. We are worried things could worsen and hence we want a commitment and some demonstrable action by the Prime Minister before the (winter) session ends (next week)."
Congress members debated Modi's record in the Gujarat Assembly after party MP Hanumantha Rao was suspended for the day for protesting in the House. They virtually challenged the Chair's ruling, arguing that the member was not even in the well when he was named.
"I was only asking why couldn't the PM come to the House as he was very much in Parliament," Rao said. "There is no question of apology. The allegation that I used foul language is false."
Modi will have to come to the Rajya Sabha tomorrow as Thursday's Question Hour relates to the Prime Minister's Office. The Opposition is determined not to allow the Question Hour till he speaks on communal disturbances first.

'Governance day' rider

- What can we do if Atalji was born on Xmas, asks Naidu
New Delhi, Dec. 17: The Centre today said Christmas would be celebrated along with Atal Bihari Vajpayee's birthday as "Good Governance Day" on December 25 and hit out at the Opposition for trying to politicise the issue.
"What can I do if my great former Prime Minister was born on Christmas Day, which is a holiday? Can I change it?" an agitated parliamentary affairs minister Venkaiah Naidu said in the Lok Sabha after the Opposition accused the Centre of overshadowing Christmas with Vajpayee's birthday.
Naidu was replying on the government's behalf despite the presence of HRD minister Smriti Irani, who sat looking upset. At one point, she rose and shouted at the Opposition as it accused the Centre of lying and misleading the House.
"Christmas will be celebrated and Vajpayeeji's birthday will also be celebrated as 'Good Governance Day'. There is no question of changing any of these two programmes," Naidu said, reading from a circular. He asserted the government was in no way disrespecting Christmas. "There is no contradiction, there is no disrespect for Christmas."
The Opposition, however, staged a walkout, alleging that the Centre was "lying" about earlier circulars asking its educational institutions to observe "Good Governance Day".
Before that, Naidu and Mallikarjun Kharge got into a spat when the Congress's House leader alleged that the government was driven by the "RSS's" agenda, prompting a swipe from the minister at the Gandhis.
"Sangh ka saath, parivar ka vinaash (Going with the RSS will spell disaster for the family)," Kharge said, perhaps alluding to the BJP as a "family". Naidu shot back saying: "Family ka saath, Congress ka vinaash, desh ka vinaash (Going with the family leads to the Congress' destruction, the country's destruction)."
The Congress later threatened a privilege motion against Naidu and Smriti for misleading the House over the earlier HRD ministry circulars. Congress MP Jyotiraditya Scindia said the circulars were sent to the Navodaya Vidyalayas, Kendriya Vidyalayas and institutes like the IITs and IIMs, and accused the Centre of lying about them now.
The Lok Sabha functioned normally after the walkout, unlike the Rajya Sabha which could not, stalled by the rows over conversions and Christmas.


Sycophants or coteries, not Modi's cup of tea

New Delhi, Dec. 17: The Prime Minister has made plain his distaste for sycophants and coteries.
Addressing BJP MPs yesterday, Narendra Modi - known to be forthright with party colleagues - said he had no favourites, did not believe in encouraging hangers-on or in playing one against another, and preferred to meet people in "large" groups than in one's and two's.
Modi made it clear he was against those who were using their alleged "proximity" to him to foster their ambitions. Nobody quite figured out who he was referring to or in what context he was speaking.
Those who have worked with him for long confirmed he was a "transparent" person. "He has clear likes and dislikes and makes them obvious with just one glance," a source said.
In 2010, when the RSS began to promote the BJP's regional heavyweights as potential central leaders, one of its objectives was to undermine the "power" of an entrenched Delhi cabal helmed by veteran L.K. Advani.
For the decade or more that he headed the BJP, although with small breaks, Advani put together a team that once included Modi. But Advani denied the regional leaders the space they sought in the national arena.
The RSS first experimented by anointing Maharashtra's Nitin Gadkari as party president. But he was done in by the Delhi lobby.
Modi, who had worked for a while in Delhi and was familiar with its power dynamics, proved a different kettle of fish. He held his own against Advani, Sushma Swaraj and others and it fell on him to take the place of the cabal.
In many interviews before taking over as Prime Minister, Modi said he would break the "status quo" of "vested interests" controlling Delhi.
A source said Modi probably intended embarking on his "mission" with his own party.

PM peps up team to do 'image control'

- BJP arms to stub out rival 'theories'

(From left) BJP MPs Niranjan Jyoti, Sakshi Maharaj, Savitri Bai Phoole, Yogi Adityanath and Uma Bharati. Pictures by Prem Singh
New Delhi, Dec. 17: Narendra Modi today told some of his senior ministers "we have done nothing wrong" in a pep talk that sources said was aimed at spurring them into action to counter the Opposition's "propaganda".
The meeting came in the wake of controversies over "reconversions", abusive comments about minorities and calls to declare the Bhagvad Gita a "national text" that, the sources said, had coalesced to foster a perception that the BJP-led regime had allowed sectarian issues to overwhelm governance.
The Rajya Sabha, where the ruling NDA is in a minority, remained paralysed today as the Opposition insisted the Prime Minister make a statement that constitutional freedoms would be respected.
The morning meeting of the BJP and the Centre's core political group came in this backdrop.
"We have not committed a sin. We have done nothing wrong, so we need not worry," Modi was quoted as telling Arun Jaitley, M. Venkaiah Naidu, Sushma Swaraj, Rajnath Singh and Nitin Gadkari - the ministers who heard him out.
BJP sources privy to the interaction - that routinely takes place every morning before Parliament starts - said they were "given to understand" that Modi appeared "concerned" about the potential damage to his image as well as that of his government's and, therefore, their political reflexes ought to kick in.
"The Opposition is making a concerted effort to project a picture that India is obscurantist, that communal forces have gained an upper hand after the regime change," a minister said.
The sub-text of the collective anxiety that a number of BJP seniors and ministers shared was that the international press, particularly the western media, would lap up such "negative" projections "to vindicate the half-truths and lies it had peddled about the BJP and Modi all these years".
Sources said what the government fears more is that the "soft power", disseminated through the "Left-Liberal" portrayals of the government, particularly in its ramped-up social media posts, might eventually revive the "biases" of western establishments against Modi after they had "just about warmed up" to him.
In the prelude to the summer elections, Modi's fans had created hash-tags on Twitter that pitched him as India's only hope to save the country from the Congress's "ruinous" clutches.
The tables have turned since. Modi's cheerleaders, such as author activist Madhu Kishwar, have become defensive and even combative over certain ministerial appointments while his foes have a field day on social media.
Coupled with the Hindutva themes, gingered up with disputed statements from saffron-clad "sadhus" and "sadhvis", Modi's neo-converts from a space that was anti-Congress but uncomfortable with the RSS-VHP's "extremism" have been getting increasingly restive with the government's "lethargy" on implementing big-ticket economic reforms. A recent in-camera meet of industry body CII heard many business leaders complain how their expectations weren't even close to being met.
With the insurance, GST and coal bills hanging in mid-air because of the Opposition's and the ruling party's intransigence over breaking the deadlock in the Rajya Sabha, the view of a go-slow on reforms could gain strength, sources said.
Among the government's first moves was persuading the RSS's Dharam Jagran Samanwaya Vibhag to call off its "reconversion" ceremony on December 25 when the Sangh offspring had planned to "reconvert" Aligarh's Christians to Hinduism.
Sources said the government asked senior RSS officials to prevail upon the Samanwaya Vibhag's organisers to cancel their show.
"We had no choice but to obey the orders from the top," Aligarh convenor Brajesh Kantak said. "We erred in not presenting our arguments properly. We are not people who trample over the Indian Constitution, we are patriots who hold the book on our heads."
On Monday night, the outfit decided to call off the programme.
Source: Telegraph

...and I am Sid Harth

Subha Kumar Dash Conversion Story

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Stephen’s official in HC, seeks to revoke his suspension

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Written by Shikha Sharma | New Delhi | Posted: December 16, 2014 11:09 am
An administrative officer of St Stephen’s College, who has been suspended, has filed a petition in the High Court contesting that it was beyond the powers of the college principal to suspend an employee without the authority and approval of the college governing body.
The officer, Subha Kumar Dash, in his petition also accused Principal Valson Thampu of trying to convert him to Christianity.
Without going into the details of the alleged conversion attempt, Dash produced copies of the correspondence between him and Thampu and alleged that he was harassed and victimised by the principal. Dash claimed that this has caused a lot of mental agony to him and his family.
Thampu has denied the allegations. Pointing out that he has been working with St Stephen’s College since 1973, Thampu said, “I have not converted anyone or discussed religion with anyone. He is being coerced by certain parties to do this. My stand on conversion is in the public domain.”
The principal claimed that Dash has been suspended for “gross misconduct” and was an “alcoholic”. Thampu said he was playing the communal card to obfuscate the issue.
According to sources, the college governing body has also decided to advance its meeting to December 19 from January 16 to look into the matter and take appropriate action. Many believe that the meeting was advanced so that the governing body could approve Dash’s suspension before the case comes up in court.
Refusing to divulge details about the advancement of the governing body meeting, Thampu said he has full faith in the governing body to take the right decision.
On December 10, Thampu had issued the suspension order, citing “gross misconduct that includes sending derogatory and defamatory SMSes to the administration, to the college community and those outside; making wild and baseless allegations of a serious nature against administration; and refusing to comply with the instructions given to you…”.
- See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/stephens-official-in-hc-seeks-to-revoke-his-suspension/#sthash.WJG2mgWt.dpuf

 

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St Stephen’s man moves HC against suspension

NEW DELHI: Suspended administrative officer of St Stephen's College, Subha Kumar Dash, moved Delhi high court on Monday after he was barred from campus. He challenged the suspension order, saying it was illegal as it had been passed without the approval of the college's governing body, and also sought an injunction against any action by the college's governing body.

Incidentally, the governing body is meeting on December 19. A member said it was originally scheduled for January 15 next year, but principal Valson Thampu pre-poned it. "Once the principal got to know of the petition, he managed to advance the date. Now an emergency meeting has been convened on December 19 to discuss the matter related to the AO, and in case the GB upholds the suspension, the matter in the court will be rendered infructuous," the member said on condition of anonymity. Thampu couldn't be reached for a reaction. Dash was served a suspension notice by Thampu on December 10. A day earlier, he had alleged that there were financial irregularities in the college and that principal Valson Thampu had tried to convert him to Christianity.

In another letter to the college administration on Saturday, Dash alleged that non-Christian administrative staffers have been replaced by Christians whose irregularities are being deliberately overlooked despite being pointed out.

The letter also alleged that Thampu gave his own example of converting to Christianity despite coming from an Iyengar Brahmin family, and that Thampu's wife pleaded with his wife not to make the conversion issue public fearing that would tarnish the image of her husband.

 Copyright © 2014 Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd. All rights reserved.

Stephen’s official in HC, seeks to revoke his suspension
 
Written by Shikha Sharma | New Delhi | Posted: December 16, 2014 11:09 am  

An administrative officer of St Stephen’s College, who has been suspended, has filed a petition in the High Court contesting that it was beyond the powers of the college principal to suspend an employee without the authority and approval of the college governing body.

The officer, Subha Kumar Dash, in his petition also accused Principal Valson Thampu of trying to convert him to Christianity.

Without going into the details of the alleged conversion attempt, Dash produced copies of the correspondence between him and Thampu and alleged that he was harassed and victimised by the principal. Dash claimed that this has caused a lot of mental agony to him and his family.

Thampu has denied the allegations. Pointing out that he has been working with St Stephen’s College since 1973, Thampu said, “I have not converted anyone or discussed religion with anyone. He is being coerced by certain parties to do this. My stand on conversion is in the public domain.”

The principal claimed that Dash has been suspended for “gross misconduct” and was an “alcoholic”. Thampu said he was playing the communal card to obfuscate the issue.

According to sources, the college governing body has also decided to advance its meeting to December 19 from January 16 to look into the matter and take appropriate action. Many believe that the meeting was advanced so that the governing body could approve Dash’s suspension before the case comes up in court.

Refusing to divulge details about the advancement of the governing body meeting, Thampu said he has full faith in the governing body to take the right decision.

On December 10, Thampu had issued the suspension order, citing “gross misconduct that includes sending derogatory and defamatory SMSes to the administration, to the college community and those outside; making wild and baseless allegations of a serious nature against administration; and refusing to comply with the instructions given to you…”.

Conversion row hits posh St Stephen’s College in Delhi involving Principal Valson Thampu

Source: Indian Express

Summary St Stephen’s College has revoked the suspension of an administrative officer, over a conversion row…





St Stephen’s College has revoked the suspension of an administrative officer, over a conversion row, after acting against him last week for alleged misconduct even as his plea challenging the order is pending before High Court.
The officer, Subhash Kumar Dash, had moved High Court challenging his suspension and accusing St Stephen’s principal Valson Thampu of trying to convert him to Christianity.
“I revoke the suspension order served in order to make room for college Governing Body (GB) to take independent view of the matter pertaining to you (Dash). You shall, hence, rejoin duty with immediate effect,” Thampu said in an official communication to Dash yesterday.
The matter is scheduled to be discussed by the GB tomorrow.
Dash was suspended by Valson on charges of engaging in “gross misconduct” and sending derogatory and defamatory SMSes to the administration and to the college community under the influence of alcohol.
His petition in High Court, which was listed before Justice Hima Kohli, was yesterday transferred to another bench as the judge recused herself from hearing the matter since she was an alumna of St Stephen’s.
“The suspension has been revoked so that the GB can examine the issue with an unbiased perspective,” Thampu said.
However, he refused to comment on whether the revocation had come after Dash also sought an injunction against any action by the GB.
Meanwhile, Thampu has posted a series of SMSes exchanged between him, Dash and other members of the governing body on the college’s website.
“It does not take any special expertise to know that such SMSes cannot be sent by a man in his senses. To add insult to injury, he has now accused me of trying to convert him forcibly,” Thampu said.
“This is clearly an attempt to communalise the issue and to intimidate me. Communalism is utterly incompatible with the liberal, catholic ethos of St Stephen’s College, which shall, in no wise, be compromised,” he added.
Read Full Text of Principal’s Statement:
WHY MR. SUBHA KUMAR DASH WAS SUSPENDED
Now that the matter in a warped one-sided form has been taken to the public space-
Mr. Dash has been conducting himself in a pathetic fashion for some time. He sends out SMS-es the contents of which, as per his own admission to the Principal, he has no control over.  An SMS received from Mr. Deepak Mukarji, member of the Governing Body, after seeing the Hindustan Times report puts the matter in perspective. I quote- “Dash goes on “benders”. Drinks sporadically till he is senseless and then spews sms to one and all. The first time this happened I called him to check. He was so sloshed he could hardly speak. When he recovered, he called to apologies and sore ”never again”. He was on probation then.  Since then I have received SMS only twice. And he doesn’t take calls after sending out rubbish.  Happy to swear an affidavit to this if it helps, but don’t have specific date record. Also have changed mobiles.” Deepak
Some of the SMS-es sent to me and to others are quoted below-
SMS at 8. 34 pm
Sir, due to tremendous mental pressure and depression caused by dre. Satis. The bursar of college and the agony caused which I have informed to you in writing also. No actions has been initiated. My family has gone to extremely depression. The onus will be on college authority in case something happened. Because my family is upset with abnormal behaviour by my superior. I pray you to think and advise the authority. Thanks pray for the life of me and my family. Mr. dash and family.
To this I replied via SMS from Kerala on 1 November 2014, especially noticing that Mr. Dash has been sharing the SMS with others.
Subha, you must learn to compose yourself. While are a good worker, you tend to fly off the handle for no reason whatsoever. I hope you are not sending senseless emails to all and sundry. The Bursar is a statutory authority appointed by the GB. He is also in charge of the college in my absence. All courtesies will be extended to him. Principal
This evoked the following SMS response from Mr. Dash at 2. 20 pm on 1 November 2014
Sirs the confirmation has been received from hdfc that activation of gateway exists regarding online payment of teaching vacancies. Mr. Dash, AO. And also I was not at all expecting that with all humility I complained the harassment dohe in front of peons but instead me and my family were advised to continue with such harassment and respect the employee who is doing so. Thanks for the justice which is astonishing for an employee like me. AO.
In view of the fact that the AO was copying his SMS-es to people outside the college also, I sent him the following advice via SMS from Kerala at 3. 02 pm on 1 November 2014.
I didn’t say that. I disapprove your sending sms to anyone, complaining. If you have any grievance, it can be brought to me. You don’t know how people laugh at you because of your sms-es. I am advising you not to make yourself ridiculous. Principal.
Mr. Dash responsed as follows, via SMS, at 3.  27 pm on 1 November 2014
Sir sorry to submit that I have done such work for college including personal works for head of institution without thinking about family till midnight. You know well. I have never asked any favour or remuneration in this regard. AT the same time few people laughs  at my sms as they re compensated for it and few people also have compassion to me and my depressed family the way I have been harassed. I was not even now also assured that my life or my family disturbance will be taken care of. I only complained regarding misbehavior by the authority being the bursar. However I was directed to respect the harasser. I presume that asking justice from head regarding harassment will come as well planned weapons for me. Thanks for your advise. AO.
This was followed by yet another SMS by Mr. Dash at 9. 12 pm on 1 November 2014.
Sirs 2.5 crores was disinvested and others investment regarding scholarships was not  taken care of being government money and they were clapped in governing body rather they should have been issued show cause notice but the reason best known to you they went on vrs. While others are given memo instructed to follow ms Sabyia ji to be a laughing stock. You know very well that I don’t allow any one to misappropriate government money or personal money. I have informed you regarding this that mr. moon has done this but you chose to be silent and I was reprimanded for this to disclose. If I am ignorant to point out all this then pl let me know what shoul I do. It is my duty to inform all such misappropriation. Thanks. Copy kept for ecw.
In response these allegations, the Principal sent the following instruction via SMS to Mr. Dash  at 11.04 am on 2 November 2014.
Subha, the allegations you have levelled are very serious. You are hereby required to formulate the same in the form of a proper complaint, supported with documents and all relevant details. I propose to set up an inquiry into it. Treat this as urgent. Principal.
To this Mr. Dash responded at 11. 14 am on 2 November 2014, via SMS.
Yes, sir I have documents with me. I will abide by your instructions in this regard once I recover from mental tension for which I am visiting doctor tomorrow. AO.
This was followed by another SMS at 2. 38 pm on 2 November 2014
Sir with reference to my communications regarding advt to be published I have not received any approval I am compelled to inform regarding ad as I am not the authority to go ahead with ad. I am under mental pressure and therefor without approval I cannot go with ad since it involved financial implications. I confirmed regarding ad thinking that I will be allowed in writing but till now I have not received any communications in writing. The blame should not come to me as I am bedridden due to depression. Even though I am vising doctor still I serve for college.
Thanks. Sir,
Me and my family are so oppressed by you and if something happened to our families you are responsible for the consequences because we tried dto give financial irregularities but write to you that we should go to inform you but we were informed to shut our mouth. If something happened to me and my families you are responsible for this. I tried to inform you but  you choice to not to take my call beuase the reasons well known to you. God grae. AO.
In response the Principal instructed the AO as follows at 11. 03 pm on 2 November 2014.
You were instructed NOT to send any SMS to me. You are in willful defiance. You are once again strictly ordered not to send me SMS. Principal
Thereafter Mr. Dash addressed the following SMS at 11. 35 pm on 2 November 2014 to the Principal’s wife with copy to the Principal
Madam I am also facing the consequences since I open the financial irregularities of college. Instead I am victimized for this. Pl help me since me and my family are in distress. If something happened to me and my family the aggravating effect rest on the principal and dr. Satish kkumar. Mr. Dash and Ms. Alka.
The SMS continued-
Sorry to inform that you contacted me through message since u instructed me to look after your wife and married daughter and mr. Mathews families leaves behind my family and my ailing mother. Because you  want to take care of yourself and ghosts who helped you in allowed misappropriation of government money. Since I point out I M blamed to point out I am deployed to look out all dirty wirk for your daughter marriage. Tell me ia Any ao is instructed to do so such work. Copy kept for gb. Nhrc. Police commissioner. To inform that you cannot escape from this fact. You used my personal car without any payment for your daughter to go to beauty parlour. Mr das. Copy to gb, mhrc, eow and all members of family.
SMS received on 14 November 2014 at 9.04 pm
Sirs,  due to continued harassments by you and  others involved including your office staffs Iand my family  are constraint to be under extremely depression and to inform sir if anything happened to the onus and responsibilities goes to you. Dr. grace Valson. Dr. Sarh vason dr. Satish kumar. Mr. Deepak mukarji and other related to punishment without finding truth. I have pointed out the financial irregularities and I am facing action only because I pointed out irregular things and I should not have pointed out.  I again submit that if something happened to me and my families to your life you and your family are responsible for this because youwant us to go to certain extent. I pray for college and for you not to aggravate. Ao.
—————–
It does not take any special expertise to know that such SMS-es cannot be sent by a man in his senses.  To add insult to injury he has now accused the Principal of trying to convert him forcibly.  This is clearly an attempt to communalize the issue and to intimidate the Principal.  Communalism is utterly incompatible with the liberal, catholic ethos of St. Stephen’s College, which shall, in no wise, be compromised. It is a pity that the situation is being distorted out of recognition and, if the indication in Mr. Dash’s claims are right (which well be not the case), those encouraging the delinquent employee to walk the path of self–destruction through alcohol is an embarrassment to the College. The Chairman of the Governing Body has approved the action taken by the Principal.
PRINCIPAL

Source: Financial Express

St Stephen's lifts officer's suspension


RELATED
    NEW DELHI: In a sudden and unexpected turn of events, the principal of St Stephen's College Valson Thampu revoked the suspension order of administrative officer Subha Kumar Dash stating that the matter will now be discussed by the governing body on Friday. Meanwhile, the petition in Delhi high court challenging the suspension and alleging conversion attempt by Thampu was transferred to another bench of the court on Wednesday. The matter will be heard on Thursday.

    The petition, which was listed before Justice Hima Kohli, was transferred as she recused herself from hearing the matter since she was a student of St Stephen's.

    Thampu said, "I revoked the suspension order so that the governing body can take an independent and unbiased view on the matter. If I don't revoke the suspension, the body may feel obliged to honour it. Also, I won't attend the meeting scheduled for December 19."

    Earlier in the day Dash lodged a protest with Thampu for sending cops to his house to "persuade" him for a "compromise". College sources said Dash wrote the letter to the principal asking him to desist from misusing police to intimidate him.

    Thampu, however, refuted the allegations and said he never wanted to take disciplinary action. "But my hands are tied. I wrote a letter to the police on November 17 to help him in de-addiction and also counsel him because my advice went unheeded. A senior teacher, Ashutosh Mathur, from Sanskrit department also counseled him without any results," he said.

    A section of teachers and college staff believe the suspension was revoked deliberately to negate a possibility of an injunction by the HC on Thursday against the government body meeting. Thampu has put out two detailed notes regarding the issue on the college website, including some SMSs exchanged between him and other members of the governing body regarding Dash.

    Dash refused to comment on whether he will withdraw his petition and said his legal counsel will decide on action to be taken before the HC.
    Source: TOI


    ...and I am Sid Harth

    Delhi Rape, Revisited

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    Wednesday, 16 January 2013

    Delhi gang rape indecent protest by Hindu girls

    The Delhi gang rape protests looked like anarchy. Initially the protests were peaceful but later it  became violent, protesters even killed one police man. 99.5% Non-Muslim people were protesting against Congress government and asking for the rapists to be hanged. But government doesn't have the power to hang anyone. It is the job of the judiciary. They even demanded changes in rape laws which again is not in the hands of the government and cannot be done overnight, its in the hands of the parliament. So the logical thing would have been to protest outside the parliament and Delhi high court.
    Every country no matter how democratic it may be tries to suppress protesters. USA and countries of Europe are very harsh on such protests. The congress government was very patient and lenient that they allowed protests to continue for so many days in spite of the protests causing law and order problem, disrupting transportation, death of police man etc...
    The rape victim and her boy friend were wounded and unconsciously lying on the road side for hours. People who saw them did not do anything, they just watched them and moved ahead. So people who saw them didn't even call an ambulance, for hours they were lying on the road side. That was precious time for the victim, the rape victim could have survived had any one called the ambulance instantly.
    Why didn't the protesters protest against those people ? Hypocrisy isn't it.  They protested against the Congress government as if the government was god like and controlled everything.  Congress government handled the situation very well, their hands were tied government can never punish any one its the job of judiciary and congress doesn't control judiciary, its a separate institution but those goons were protesting and threatening the government to hang the rapists, how absurd when government doesn't have the power to do so.
    Protesters should have attacked the parliament, overthrown the constitution and then hang the rapists instead of protesting against the Congress.

    Honestly these Hindu girls just need a reason to show their body. They just find a reason to expose their skin and get some attention.
    This is extremely unacceptable she didn't get any other piece of cloth, using Indian flag in such a way is highly objectionable . Totally disrespecting our Indian flag.
    Protesting against rape or provoking rape ?

    See that Hindu girl in the middle. Did you notice what she has written on her poster ?
    "Just because I show my legs doesn't mean I spread them
    This girl has proved us right that Hindu girls love to show their body. Using such obscene language shows her characterand lack of good family values and morals. In a moment of grief using such language wont do any good to anyone except spreading vulgarity.

    The girl above is concerned about skirt and defending short and revealing clothes. First these girls willingly wear revealing clothes to expose their skin and to attract men then say my clothes are not responsible. Truly European and American culture has overshadowed Indian culture.

    Look at her she is saying - "Ignore my lipstick and listen to what i am trying to tell ......" .
    I never paid attention to your lips but you made be look at them by saying so.
    Isn't it stupid first you are dressing to show and seek attention then saying don't look.
    Is she protesting, does it look from her face that she is sad ?
    In a sad moment she is smiling away and using that platform to seek attention, having a happy photo session, this is Hindu girl for you.

    Flipping the middle finger, such an indecent gesture which is unacceptable in any civilized society. Clearly as we have said before and say it again western and European culture has replaced the Indian culture. Non-Muslim girls totally adopting western culture and kicking Indian values.

    The girl with that big poster says -"If I am a woman and if I walk nude on the road then also you dont have any right to rape me".
    Wearing indecent clothes is not enough to grab attention now they are considering roaming naked on the road. 
    Now if  you roam naked on the road and if something happens to you then you can't say, it was't my fault, even if legally you are not guilty morally you will be and that's exactly what they have forgotten 'morals'.


    So the girl is justifying drinking. Mini skirts to expose more body, looks concerned short clothes doesn't get banned.
    Being out at night- Who wants to go into lions den? This is actually stupid when you know in most cases Indian streets are not safe at night all kinds of junkies, criminals and drunken people roam at night, knowingly why e.do you want to get into trouble If the streets were safe at night like they are in places like UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar then who is stopping you from roaming at night and it is impossible for the police to secure every inch of the city but the problem is that these girls want to copy European and American girls in each and every sphere of life.

    In fact there are many girls like her who justify drinking. This is what they need to see.
    These are statistics of USA, the country which they try to copy.
    Drug use, especially alcohol, is frequently involved in rape. A study reported detailed findings related to tactics. In 47% of such rapes, both the victim and the perpetrator had been drinking. In 17%, only the perpetrator had been. 7% of the time, only the victim had been drinking. Rapes where neither the victim nor the perpetrator had been drinking were 29% of all rapes.
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape_statistics#United_States
    So even in a country like USA most of the time rape occurs when either the victim or the perpetrator or both the victim and the perpetrator are drunk.


    "Kapde Nahi Soch Badlo"
    Kapdo ki kitni chinta hai.
    Pehle ye apna jism dikhati hai, aise kapde pehanti hai jisme mard inki taraf nazar dale unko dekhe aur fir bolti hai sooch badlo wah wah wah.
    Rape victim ki chinta karne k bajaye kapdo ki chinta kar rahi hai.

    "Telling us what to wear ask your sons not to rape"
    Yet another girl instead of condoling the rape and protesting against it concerned about clothes.

    "Don't tell me how to dress" 
     Another Hindu girl concerned that no one lays objection on her clothes, her revealing clothes doesn't get snatched.
    Again in a moment of grief just concerned about clothes.

    Looks very raged concerned about her body basically indicating she has the right to wear anything she wants, she has the right to expose her body. Again lack of good family values.

    Buddhist girl saying - "don't look at me with pervert eyes". If you are so concerned then why don 't you wear something modest put on hijab and dump the jeans.

    Final words:

    This is an ambivalent attitude of women, they amble wearing skimpiest of dresses but don't expect to be watched by unpleasant person but they want to be ogled by selected men whom they like.
    Everybody will see the chicken with same eyes, its like showing a red rag to a bull and expecting it to be calm and composed, its the nature no one can control, ask yourself ,don't you feel amorous when u see an extraordinary handsome guy, if its not happening seriously its time for medical checkup.

    Its funny, saying we will wear anything we want but don't stare at us is biggest paradoxical statement I have ever heard.
    You think men are feeling-less eunuchs, when they see a woman in figure revealing clothes, they don't feel anything or get provoked? The word “provocative clothes” can you think into why it was named so?

    You are trying to confront a basic feeling with which people are born with – hunger, thirst, a need to be recognized, carnal pleasures etc.. are needs of a man. You cant say I will put an aromatic Biryani in front of a hungry person and yet expect him to move over and blame him entirely for trying to have at least a spoon of it.
    The blame is shared,  men for trying to have something not his, and the person who put it in front of him to have incited the act.

    While wearing clothes, for both men and women, as per the very natural instincts they will always think that how the opposite sex would find them- attractive, beautiful, hot etc. Now here is the point, if the opposite sex would not find them attractive they would be highly disappointed. So subconsciously or consciously they would want the Men to look at them. Its obvious that the men would look at the revealing body parts as it attracts them. Thinking is something which we cannot predict, as both men and women sometimes may have wrong notions about each other by seeing the appearance, for example; a guy wearing sleeveless t-shirt or an undershirt outside, would be considered by lots of women as showing off his body or a hoodlum. which may not be the case. thinking inside the brain we cannot change. There is a lot of hypocrisy in India.

    Non-Muslim girls surely wear clothes to please themselves and also to attract the attention of other men, no girl can ever deny that (except for those who are lesbian or homosexual), but still if men look or feel  aroused, they will quickly judge them, paradoxical. Knowingly sometimes they would arouse or provoke men but then as per women, men should not look or pass comments. Its a fact that sometimes some non-Muslim women really like to show off their body same as like some men. Here women can look pass comments and have fun and even tease, but if a man looks then its an insult for them and as per women, men should not do that, this is really contradictory.

    So this is the logic of Indian non-Muslim women - "I will wear a micro mini skirt even to the extent that u can see my undergarment but you will not get aroused, its not meant for you, I can dress up the way i want."  So does she dresses up like that to please herself or her female friends?  See how hypocrite, double standard and contradictory Indian non-Muslim women are.

    It seems as if now Indian men before leaving their homes everyday should pray to God that please don't show me girls in less clothes as it diverts attention and causes hormonal tides which could get us in trouble. Its not easy for a decent person to control his amorous thought, he has to fight really hard to avoid spiking testosterone and adrenalin level.
    Its a humble request to non-Muslim women that please let us live peacefully by wearing decent clothes.

    These non-Muslim girls say that they can do what ever they want, they can go to night clubs, pubs, bars even at 12'o clock at night, they can even drink consume alcohol but no men has the right to stare at them or say anything to them. So basically they want to do all kinds of dirty activities and still expect men to not even look at them.

    These girls say that they are very open minded but actually they are closed minded because they don't want to change themselves they say they can do anything they want they can even roam naked on the road and wear anything its their choice. They can do all the immodest and dirty activities like drinking going to pubs etc .
    They  don't want to change themselves and even if someone advises them to dress decently and be modest they get raged and on the other hand they want men to entirely change themselves, shows how closed minded they are. Its like 'you do everything and I will do nothing and still I will get all the salary'.

    Even if the police or anybody else tells them don't roam on roads after 11'o clock they get fumed. See the closed mindedness here. This is not Europe this is India and Indian roads are not safe at night, all kinds of criminals and junkies roam on roads at night and its impossible for police to secure each and every inch of the city. These girls are trying hard to copy western culture. In Europe and USA I have seen there is very little difference between day and night as opposed to most Indian cities which remains totally shut at night and looks like ghost cities.

    The blame is shared,  men for trying to have something not his, and the person who put it in front of him to have incited the act. They are fighting against the basic human nature and can never win.
    This is where Islam is such a great religion. In Islam women are not allowed to dress indecently like non-Muslims girls do. Muslim women cover themselves and live with dignity. Even more than 1400 years ago Islam rightly suggested women to cover themselves and dress modestly which is the need of the hour even today in India.

    Non-Muslim girls in India carry out indecent protests, Slut Walks are on a rise. These kind of protests are not going to solve the problem except spreading indecency. 
    Slut Walk is useless, it started from Canada and USA and it couldn't the problem there how can it solve the problem in India, USA is still a country where highest number of rapes occur.
    In such protests they only blame others like hypocrites using vulgar comments and fail to put forward any kind of solution, blaming others is not going to solve the problem.

    Rape hypocrisy is not going to solve the problem. The only solution is that they learn some modesty and decency in dressing and dump all the Western activities like night clubs, discos, drinking liquor etc. They should shape themselves according to India, live accordingly and not try to copy the west.
    If this doesn't stop then Sharia law would be the only solution.
    http://indianmuslimpost.blogspot.in/2013/01/sharia-law-can-stop-rapes-and-crimes.html

    55 comments :

    1. that girl who is saying ust because I show my legs doesn't mean I spread them.
      Seeming like she likes she takes care of her legs and spread them to take big muslim tools just as most hindu girls do. She is acting like bch
      Reply
      Replies
      1. And you like a filthy swine
      2. may lord lend you a little brain instead of the huge penis that u hv in ur head!!

      3. @N.KHAN : HA HA... How your Half dick commenting like this.. !!!
        Better Spread your mom legs .. i will show how big we are...
    2. Not surprised concerning this is coming from someone whose final messenger is proved to be a narcissist, a misogynist, a rapist, a paedophile, a lecher, a torturer, a mass murderer, a cult leader, an assassin, a terrorist, a mad man and a looter. Source: US $50,000 challenge from alisina.org
      http://www.faithfreedom.org/?page_id=49
      https://docs.google.com/document/pub?id=1UAkwfGX4ZQTQhYz5YmAFTn6YO-QmEr3vgMIa_t5XIR8
      Reply
    3. why do muslim have perist while having sex with virgin wifes.just because girls are said as sins of men in islam and do muslim respect their mom! why muslim mens hate to let girls to study and hesitate to questions raised aganist them like why muslim girls alloed to have sex slave. Im a muslim toooo...
      Reply
    4. What these girls say is 100% right. What will you do idiot if someone cuts your dick or castrate you...Likewise rape is imposed on to a girl cause of people with shit and ghatiya mentality like yours... Be reasonable always thinking about sex and fuck is what is problem of you people. And let me tell you that no culture is being devalued in my country although clothing and all do change with time. You should adapt to these changes and I am dead sure that most of these girls are more cultured and much more decent than you. What they are pointing out is just and what you are pointing out shows your values and how much you people respect women. Its sorry to state that your education is completely wasted as it could not teach you about human nature and the rights of girls and women to do as they want as much as you fucking do what you want. And what if a girl exposes herself. Its because she is comfortable in that attire not because she seeks attention from perverts like you people. And if people like you will come out moral policing and again subduing women of this country let me tell you that you will be flushed out of society like a worm. Just dont forget that 45% of our population is young and open minded like these girls above... you better not mess with them...
      Reply
    5. Being a girl, I admire the first picture shown above. Here on the left a dark girl exposing her body is shown. She is sexiest girl. I envy her. Although I am also dark,but did not get an opportunity to expose like her. I would like to know her name. My bfs also want to know her name. Sexiest girl. Miss Shubha
      Reply
      Replies
      1. Hindus in India only try to copy dress & night club culture from western civilization but do not want be educated, disciplined & laborious like western people...Thats the major problem...Hindus have become half western and half Indian...Secondly these medieval minded muslims in India do not want to progress in life & always blames west for everything on Earth..Stick to Indian culture and adopt western work culture....
      2. Why do you criticize Hindus.
        Yes we are open minded and working hard towards progress. Why are Muslims so backward in all segments in India. Why they lack education. While Sikhs and Christians are doing amazing. India holds you in regard and Muslims often shame this humanity with terrorism and such stupid comments.
    6. Hate to say.
      This blog shows a primitive male supremacist thinking which is backward.
      Indecent - moreover the 1 picture you have posted is a model. You Muslims crush women and hold them back. You Muslims kill women in name of honor killings - 'just based on suspicion'. How convenient. I think you should get some education. And keep this post here. It only displays your disgusting narrow minded thinking. Any ways how do you know these women are Hindus. I have a friend who is Muslim and she was in one of these marches.

      JUST ONE WORD
      You are a fool!
      Reply
    7. Never read anything more ridiculous?! This is not a Muslim Vs Hindu Vs 'any other religion' issue either.

      I think the other of this article and anyone who supports his view or beliefs need to do some research into the term "Rape apologist".

      There is never an excuse for rape and these women who have been protesting on the streets of India are not Hindu women, RAPE does not discriminate. Women and children (men too)are being raped or sexually molested all over our country everyday.

      I would like to ask how much more enraged you would be if some goon decided to grab your private parts or even simply went to the extent of invading your private space. IF possible you would have chosen to respond with the at-most violence if possible.

      Are you claiming that muslim women never get raped? Women are Burkhas are raped there are even reported cases of Muslim children (boys and girls) who are raped and molested within their own families or by Muslim clerics. (Again this is not exclusive to just Muslim communities it happens with other communities too)

      What I find frustratingly amusing is how the other and his supporters have chosen to label every girl that has protested as being Hindu or Buddhist etc. IF you really were present at the demonstrations, this was a sentiment and protest women from all walks of life have participated in irrespective of their religion or lack of one.

      RAPISTS and SEXUAL abusers are the criminals and it DOES not matter what a person wears or what that persons sexual orientation or social lifestyle is there is NO EXCUSE for rape.
      Reply
    8. I think the writer's mindset is stuck in the 7th century!
      Reply
    9. This article is the most redicules and stupid thing I have read in yaers! The protesting women are absulutely right!!!
      Don`t you dare accuse any women to want to be sexually assaulted!!! "Decent" clothing won´t protect anyone from rape!!! This isn´t about Hindu or Moslem, this is about women standing up to stop sexual violence against women!!! DONT GIVE UP SISTER WOMEN, GO ON FIGHTING !!!
      You wrighter of this "article" go and f**ck yourself
      Reply
    10. Bhosdike .. lodu ..tumko 1947 me hi bola tha ki apne mohammed or uske rapist followers ko pakistan le ke jao .. tab tum nahi maane .. ab kut kut ke manoge kya .. ya JAL JAL ke. Jaise gujarat me kiya tha.
      Reply
    11. which idiot does this blog belong to? would love to dom you and make you cry..you pitiable jerk!
      Reply
    12. Mr. Writer, please do the country a favour by jumping in front of a speeding train!
      Reply
    13. only a mindless muslim fanatic can write such idiotic stuff........
      Reply
      Replies
      1. I am hindu guy and i agree with this post hinduGirls are becoming slutz not modern..and they only blame others they don't have answers to solve the problem.
      2. Hey 'Pal'. Yeah. So I am a slut. Big deal. And I'm Hindu. Just to remind you, in our 'culture' - Draupadi, by definition she is a slut too. It still gives you no rights to force your dick down my orifices.
      3. namrata seeta was slut too..
        wanna have some fun
      4. Nice article exposing the hindu gl problem... They are sluts.
    14. I really don't get what the blogger here wants to specify the religion of the person holding the placard. I do not intend to question your faith or what your religion has taught you, but whatever they have on the placards, they are protesting for a reason. And the reason is for a noble cause that women in our society need security. I totally agree that women are of different sorts, some are darlings and some are complete bitches. Whatever they are, the need of the hour is to ensure their security irrespective of what they want to do do later.

      If clothing is the main culprit, why don't you take a walk along the beaches of Europe, North America and particularly South America? Going by your take on things they should probably be the rape capitals of the whole damn world.

      Look Mr. Blogger, you might be pissed off with some worthless bastards raping women. However, if you are looking at solutions for it from a religious perspective, please learn to respect other faiths as that is the essence of whatever you mention as the "Indian" culture. Not recommending women to wear a hijab and think that they are totally safe, how DUMB can you possibly be man? So do you mean to say that all Muslim women are saints and they don't get a piece of all the action that is going on?? GO GET A DAMN LIFE!!!

      Now to the "educated""free thinking" women folk. You may continue to be educated and continue to think freely and exercise your freedom to dress the way you like. However, what you need to understand is that although the people who spent their hard earned money to "educate" would have butterflies in the stomach and shitting bricks when you walk out of your homes with your skimpy whatever, please spare a minute to think that out on the streets, the sort of people who would be eyeing you and slurping is not so "educated" or "free thinking" as you might be. So nobody is dictating you on what to wear, rather please have some sense that you are living in a country where cops are reluctant to take down criminals, they are reluctant to even take note of a written complaint. Try to get this to your head that in the law and order department nothing much has changed since the 1800's and we are still a barbaric country that is brimming with crime at every nook and corner. Try to understand that your personal security is completely based on how you carry yourself in this lawless land. I feel ashamed to say that but ladies like the lady with the placard that reads "Just because I show my legs doesn't mean I spread them" well what is your perception of a rape then? They will spread it themselves and do whatever they want with you.

      I am not asking your to cover yourself up in a blanket and walk around. But if you understand the sort of world of unruly people that walk around you, please dress appropriately.

      And for the religious retard who wrote this article, may be the faith that you believe in has many things to offer you personally. But don't think that this is the only religion out there and other people who believe in other faiths and religious are fools. Please learn to respect other religious and when you discuss about general topics please write the same in such a way that it makes sense.

      Cheers!
      Reply
      Replies
      1. fucking idiot ...USA and Europe highest Number of Rapes occur ass hole.

        A 2007 government report in England says "Estimates from research suggest that between 75 and 95 percent of rape crimes are never reported to the police."

        http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rape_statistics
      2. Typical of Pindus believing westernization in the name of modernization.

        Now non-muslim girls in India Justify Drinking. Many rape victim in India also come out to be Drunken girls.
        You wanna justify drinking see in USA too ,,,,,,,,,

        Drug use, especially alcohol, is frequently involved in rape. A study (only of rape victims that were female and reachable by phone) reported detailed findings related to tactics. In 47% of such rapes, both the victim and the perpetrator had been drinking. In 17%, only the perpetrator had been. 7% of the time, only the victim had been drinking. Rapes where neither the victim nor the perpetrator had been drinking were 29% of all rapes.[70] Contrary to widespread belief, rape outdoors is rare. Over two thirds of all rapes occur in someone's home. 31% occur in the perpetrators' homes, 27% in the victims' homes and 10% in homes shared by the victim and perpetrator. 7% occur at parties, 7% in vehicles, 4% outdoors and 2% in bars.[70] From 2000–2005, 59% of rapes were not reported to law enforcement.

        The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics states that 91% of rape victims are female and 9% are male, and 99% of rapists are male.[61] Some types of rape are excluded from official reports altogether (the FBI's definition, for example, used to exclude all rapes except forcible rapes of females), because a significant number of rapes go unreported even when they are included as reportable rapes, and also because a significant number of rapes reported to the police do not advance to prosecution.[62] According to United States Department of Justice document Criminal Victimization in the United States, there were overall 191,670 victims of rape or sexual assault reported in 2005.[63] Only 16% of rapes and sexual assaults are reported to the police (Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. 1992 and United Nations Populations Fund, 2000a).[64][65] Factoring in unreported rapes, about 5% of rapists will ever spend a day in jail.[66]One of six U.S. women has experienced an attempted or completed rape.[67] More than a quarter of college age women report having experienced a rape or rape attempt since age 14.[68] The U.S. Department of Justice compiles statistics on crime by race, but only between and among people categorized as black or white. The Uniform Crime Reports classifies most Hispanics into the "white" category.[69] There were 194,270 white and 17,920 black victims of rape or sexual assault reported in 2006. According to Anthony Walsh, "Gary LaFree's rape data for the 45-year period revealed that blacks were arrested for rape an average of 6.52 times more often than whites."[69]
      3. hindu/atheist pseudo intellectual haha
        Top 10 Nations where RAPES occur

        See the stats:
        http://www.globalpost.com/dispatches/globalpost-blogs/quick-click/which-country-has-the-highest-reported-incidents-rape-data


        USA is at NUMBER #1 Spot Followed by India #2 then Followed by some american or European Country.
        NO MUSLIM country LIKE UAE, Saudi arabia, Qatar is in top 10..........In countries saudi arabia women cover themselves and are governed under the blanket of SHARIA which is the safest.

        YOUR so called Modern Western country USA that you try to COPY, the country which you say has a lot of freedom and EQUALITY for women, has far more rape occurrences than India.

        Indian non-muslim women are hypocrites they can just create Hype about it Carrying out 'Slut Walks' they just blame others unlike western women. They only blame others but don't take responsibility for anything. They can only blame but they fail to put forward a SOLUTION.
      4. why muslim ladies are fucked by back holes .The hindu boys are raped to muslim girls and many HINDU Boys are married to muslim girls so i fuck muslim muslim muslims i will appreciate to Christians i Fuck muslim girls .
    15. Sir,

      Women do not wear denim pants (jeans) to appear sexually attractive. They wear them because they are comfortable, durable and functional. They are resistant to stain and can be used many times. So when you say women are attempting to attract men's attention through the way they dress, you are mistaken.
      Reply
      Replies
      1. Evey young women dress keeping in mind how men would opposite sex find her. I have met many women who wear tight jeans to show their ass. And net me tell you tight jeans the least comfortable if you compare it to other clothes
    16. Utter waste of an entire blog space. As if people care for your opinion. Maybe there are a few who do but then to hell with you too. I believe every religion in this world tells us "NOT TO COMMIT ADULTERY". If some pea brained citizens have a explanation for the shit that is going on in this country and it is as f*&^ed up as this maybe it is time for them to grow up or kill themselves. Either way nobody gives a shit.
      Reply
    17. Why don't you just use the nearest loo and relieve yourself?
      Reply
      Replies
      1. I lets go to loo together
    18. a sule munde nim amman
      if you have a fucking brain
      stop talking about religions and do something to help humanity
      you are so fucking backward , it reflects on your community
      but I have many Muslims friends and they don't have thoughts like your shitty posts or this blog
      so this might be your shitty family upbringing , I can imagine you sitting in gutter or drain of a slum
      saddist bugges you are
      Reply
      Replies
      1. lol Even I have so many hindu friends and they say I am good :D . Now the fact is that most of the people in real life WEAR a MASK. People have more than one faces.
        Now real Face and the real inner opinions and thoughts of people Come out on the Internet.
        My hindu frnds think i have good but i have fked one of my friends hindu sister she is so milky and she fell for me when i stared at her in my frnds home and i secretly fckd her giving her pleasure of real muslim dik and now she has become slut ofMuslimStuds. My hindoo frnd doesnt know this and never will haha :xD
      2. Aisf, you are dirt on the society, and just to show yourself you are telling so....fuck yourself....Just FUck yourslef, most of girls wont like any guy like yours.....even a muslim girl wont like you...fuck yourself you pervert....
        A Hindu girl
      3. hindu girls are always ready to spread their legs and i love seeding their chuts
      4. hindu girls are quick to spread legs and i love to fill their chuts
    19. You paedophile worshipper, where do you see the religion of the protesters in the pics, are they wearing placards that they are non-Muslims.

      Apply the same logic to your tiny brain. you expose your pervert 6th century mindset but dont want people to piss on you and your mohammad.
      Reply
      Replies
      1. If you bindu have guts give me ur number and address i will come to your home and fck and ravage ur all female family members pusy and make them whore and they will moan wen out toos will go inside their cunts
      2. you pig brain Farid, I am no bindu, lolx

        why dont you give your number and address here, so I can come with all female family members and chop of dicks and balls of all your male family members and free your female family members along with the goat, sheep, camel, cow and pig. Give me your number and address.
      3. Wow, this conversation is really mature.
    20. Hindu girls will not understand they lets F... every hindu grl and seed their pssy and then they will understand coz their mind in below
      Reply
      Replies
      1. All Moozleem guys remember this when bending down next time before your Owlha :D

        https://fbcdn-sphotos-h-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-prn2/q71/7437_274100462729607_2056807030_n.jpg
    21. You Muslim bastards always talk abt sex with hindu women now let me tell you the reality of ur muslim women with our hindu men.

      Hindu/Sikh men are vegetarian they have good blood circulation and are youthful with glowing skin and good looking features. Good blood circulation makes the penis erect hard.

      Muslim men eat too much meat so they become impotent and grow older faster.

      Hindus/Sikhs do yoga so they can do sex in all sorts of position.

      Hindus are experts in sexuality. They pray to Kama Dev and are good lovers.

      Muslims are not allowed to perform oral and anal sex.

      Hindu men can please Muslim women in their mouths, vagina and anus.

      Muslim men are over protective of their women. They abuse their women and only care about their own short lasting orgasm.

      Hindu men treat their wifes like angels with love. Thats why many Muslim women have Hindu lovers.

      Muslim women are not allowed to marry non-Muslim men. So Muslim women have sex with Hindu as secret lovers but keep the fat, bald ugly Arab Muslim as financial provider.
      Reply
    22. I love the owner of this blog he is soooo straight forward.....muslim men have guts issiliye hindu ladkiya unke saath sorahi hain.....mujhe bhi muslim ladke bahut zyda pasand hai aur sex mein tho bhagwaan hote hai
      Reply
      Replies
      1. rendy k aulad.. me laund itna bda hai ki tera aage se ghuse aur gand se nikle....maza lena hai to call me 9401794361
    23. Sorry ppl I read this non-sense article written by some scoundrel very late ... It's clear She/He is NOT against moral values of Human being, But is against Hinduism and keep on commenting all the girls as Hindus and what they are doing is against moral values. How many of them are Muslims ?
      Guess He is a Muslim and in His Family brought up / Religion, Rape is far acceptable than other things. If that was the fact, Bloody Idiot, You get Your religion corrected first, don;t even dare to open your scum thought towards Hinduism.
      Just because You have a stupid blog, doesn't mean, You can write whatever non-sense, you feel like. Bury Your Hypocratic thought and wake up to the need of the day and environment.
      Get Your facts right first: In Saudi or your 'so' called culture, they don't allow Women to step outside alone anytime or in the evenings or to participate in sports or to grow in the artistic talent, because You don't trust Muslim Women (source: Yahoo), You feel they can easily involve in wrong acts. Which is not the case with others and even Your own thoughts are absolutely chauvinistic and jealousy.
      In any Religion or Caste or Country or Province, these kind of vulgar acts are prohibitive and needs harsher voice against it. Just stick onto that and don't extend your hatredness towards Hinduism ... Be sensible ...
      Reply
    24. I think the writer has gone totally mad. I have never seen such a rubbish article. First of all writer come out of the 7th century and start respecting girls its their choice what they want to do. We live in India and we have the freedom.
      Reply
    25. i m hindu girl and i will wear wat i want , it depends on mentality...
      Reply
    26. Arre behen ke lode .. Hindu or Muslim? does it matter? Now am not speak about how muslim girls expose there body coz that will be sinking down to your level.. Tere ko kya problem hai if they show their body or not? itni problem hai toh close your eyes and sit down coz nobody gives a rat's ass about what you think but stop writing such bullshit about hindu girls.Ass sucker!
      Reply
    27. main ek hindu brahaminhun and main 10 aged musli ke saath soi hun and i feel wowwwwwwwwwwwwww
      Reply
    28. Well I just like Muslim skin...........I have taken 7 in my record..........first they showed me fear of allah n rasool.......later wo gyi bhool aur fir humne chataayi use dhool............mazaa aa gya...........!!!
      Reply